Abortion and the Sexual Agenda: A Case for Pro-Life Feminism   Term Paper ID:32717 Click to get this paper

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Paper Abstract: This paper provides a summary and analysis of the article "Abortion and the Sexual Agenda: A Case for Pro-life Feminism." The moral and philosophical questions involved. Paper Introduction: There are few debates that rage as passionately as the argumentregarding abortion and women\'s reproductive rights Indeed this topicinevitably gives rise to the discussion of moral and philosophicalquestions about personhood and fetal rights The debate becomes even moreinteresting however when approached from opposing feminist perspectives as both pro-choice and pro-life feminists are committed to bringing aboutfull social equality for women yet view the abortion issue in entirelydifferent lights While it may seem that feminism requires a certainsupport of abortion as part of Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. S. Callahan believes that women have moved away from the femininesexual ideals, which represent a "culturally dominant demand for monogamy,self-control, and emotionally bonded and committed sex" (63 ), and beenencouraged to believe that adopting the male agenda of "...erotic oramative sexuality [that] endorses sexual permissiveness without long-termcommitment or reproductive focus" (631) is somehow a step toward reachingequality with men. Certainly, there does not appear to be a clear resolution to theabortion debate in the foreseeable future. Many people viewmorality "...too exclusively as a matter of human agency and decisiveaction" (Callahan 627). They believe that"...without this personal conferral, there only exists a biological,physiological process" (Callahan 625). While it may seem that feminism requires a certainsupport of abortion as part of women's sexual and reproductive rights, manyfeminists, in fact, view abortion as counterproductive to the feministcause. Callahan's pro-life feminist stance also questions the way in whichpro-choice feminists believe abortion impacts women's social equality.Indeed, Callahan maintains that abortion actually poses a threat to women'squest for social equality, as she declares, "Pitting women against theirown offspring is not only morally offensive, it is psychologically andpolitically destructive. Indeed, this topicinevitably gives rise to the discussion of moral and philosophicalquestions about personhood and fetal rights. One's own body no longer exists asa single unit but is engendering another organism's life" (Callahan 625).Because fetology and ultrasound have worked to broaden the concept of thepatient in utero, "...it is hard to defend logically any demarcation pointafter conception as the point at which an immature form of human life is sodifferent from the day before or the day after..." (Callahan 626). For years, feminism has put forth the notion that abortionrights are a critical aspect of women's pursuit of social equality. has been harmful towomen and children. Callahan is quick to point out that the same legal precedent insociety that safeguards control over one's own body also forbids theharming of other bodies, "...however immature, dependent, differentlooking, or powerless" (626). Callahan believes that if abortion ondemand continues "The larger community is relieved of moral responsibility"(629). This is where abortion negatively impacts the feminist pursuit ofsocial equality; if society determines that pregnancy and the decision tohave an abortion is a private individual responsibility for the woman, whyshould men be forced to assume parental responsibilities in the case of apregnancy that they do not choose? Lammers and A. Pro-choice feminists contend that womenhave a moral right to full social equality, and as a result, "They shouldnot be restricted or subordinated because of their sex. Therefore, Callahan believes "It is a chilling inconsistency to see pro-choice feminists demanding continued access to assembly-line, technologicalmethods of fetal killing ... According to Callahan, pro-choice feminists attempt to sidestep themoral question of fetal rights by declaring that there is no value in thelife of a fetus unless the woman decides to bestow it. In her article entitled "Abortion and the Sexual Agenda: A Case forPro-Life Feminism," Sidney Callahan presents the case for a feministviewpoint that opposes abortion as not only morally improper but anotherway of forcing women to conform to the male sexual agenda. "Abortion and the Sexual Agenda: A Case for Pro-Life Feminism." On Moral Medicine. 623-632. Abortion thus need notbe part of the feminist agenda. It has helped bring us epidemics of venereal diseases,infertility, pornography, sexual abuse, adolescent pregnancy, divorce..."(631). She contends that the pro-choice feminist position demands "unrestrictedabortion rights as a moral imperative and insist upon women's right tocomplete reproductive freedom" (623). The debate becomes even moreinteresting, however, when approached from opposing feminist perspectives,as both pro-choice and pro-life feminists are committed to bringing aboutfull social equality for women yet view the abortion issue in entirelydifferent lights. Verhey. For the pro-life feminist, thestatus of women in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries is not allthat different from the current view of the unborn. However, she does believe that this right applies to abortion inthe same way that it does to organ transplants, mastectomies,contraception, and sterilization. As a result, fetal rights can neverprecede a woman's prior rights or interests. Surely, immaturity and dependence are not crimes"(626). The division with the feministcommunity over the issue only serves to underscore how volatile theargument is. Women will never climb to equality and socialempowerment over mounds of dead fetuses..." (628). debates similar to those about the fetus were once conductedabout feminine personhood" (626). Indeed, Callahan maintains that pro-choicefeminists seem to ignore the fact that "In all patriarchal unjust systems,lesser orders of human life are granted rights only when wanted, chosen, orinvested with value by the powerful" (626). In fact,Callahan's argument is often persuasive, as she challenges the pro-choicefeminist stance quite effectively. The relationship betweenparent and child is one example of a possible unchosen obligation, and "Awoman, involuntarily pregnant, has a moral obligation to the now-existingdependent fetus whether she explicitly consent to its existence or not"(Callahan 627). But this morallyrequired equality cannot be realized without abortion's certain control ofreproduction" (Callahan 625). Itwould seem difficult to speak of concern for women, children, and thoseliving in poverty and distress, while at the same time, ignoring entirelythe question of fetal life. As a member of the interdependent human community, a womanhas certain moral obligation, particularly due to "her unique lifegivingfemale reproductive powers." For Callahan, "To follow the pro-choicefeminist ideology of insistent individualistic autonomy and control is tobetray a fundamental basis of the moral life" (628). Exercising one's free will and choosing one'smoral obligations seem to be the keystones of our moral responsibility.But for Callahan and other pro-life feminists, morality also involves ourresponse to unexpected or unplanned situations. In analyzing the pro-choice feminist point-of-view, Callahandetermines that the stance is flawed because it is "inconsistent withfeminism's basic demands for justice" (625). Indeed, in the case of an unwantedpregnancy, controversy develops because "...266 days following a conceptionin one body, another body will emerge. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986. Callahan's arguments seem to havemerit, and no doubt will give feminists a different perspective toconsider. Callahan does so by not onlyaddressing the moral questions but by demonstrating that instead ofproviding women with a means of social equality, abortion may actually helpto perpetuate male dominance of both society and sexuality as well. Many pro-choice feminists feel thatuntil women are able to enjoy full sexual expression, unburdened by thefear of pregnancy as men are, then they will not achieve psychologicalequality and well-being either. In reality, however, accepting this male-oriented concept ofsexuality, feminists are actually working against their own goals of socialequality. Indeed, pro-choice feminists work toprovide a moral justification for abortion, which they do by evoking theidea of social equality for women. If a woman chooses not toinvest in a pregnancy, then abortion is simply the termination of abiological process that is undesirable. She believes that the male-oriented sexual model that abortion corresponds to "... But perhaps the greatest threat that abortion poses to feminist idealsis the fact that it encourages women to adapt to a male-oriented model ofsexuality. Instead of adapting to the male-oriented model of sexuality, womenmust force society to adapt to the feminine ideal. As Callahan suggests,"The fetus is an independent form of human life which only needs time andprotection to develop. Society in general, andmen in particular, have to provide women more support to rearing the nextgeneration" (629). Why should the state provide child careservices or child support or enact maternity leave laws if women are thesolely responsible for pregnancy. Like pro-choice feminists,Callahan believes that individuals have a moral right to control theirbodies. Indeed, pro-choice feministsbelieve that "Prior to her own free choice and conscious investment, awoman cannot be described as a 'mother' nor can a 'child' be said to exist"(Callahan 625). Pro-life feminists dismiss the idea thatthis protection does not extend to the unborn because as Callahan pointsout, "... How then, she wonders, can we declare whensuch entities are deserving of the moral and legal status of persons? Themere notion that abortion might do more harm than good for the feministcause may persuade those on the fence regarding the abortion issue to alignthemselves with the pro-life movement. Callahan begins by outlining the pro-choice feminist view of abortion. Certainly there is much in Callahan's argument that is persuasive.Though she focuses on the question of fetal rights and personhood, Callahanalso clearly outlines the negative effects that abortion has on womenthemselves, not simply psychologically but in their pursuit of socialequality. At one time, women, blacks, and otherminorities were considered too underdeveloped to have legal rights; this,Callahan declares, is the same type of reasoning that pro-choice feministsattempt to apply to the fetus. Indeed, as Callahan sees it, abortion does not empower women butinstead chips away at their self-esteem, self-discipline, and self-confidence in the face of male dominance. Eds. Indeed, pro-choice feminists believe that ifa woman is not free to decide when and how she becomes pregnant, she willalways operate "at a distinct disadvantage, especially in our male-dominated society" (Callahan 625). Indeed, while it is difficult to change one's opinion aboutwhether or not a fetus constitutes a life, as such beliefs are oftenpassionately held, the idea that abortion may actually reinforce a male-dominated society and sexuality, instead of giving women a defense againstthem, is quite unsettling for feminists. Indeed, if this male-oriented model of men is to beembraced by women, abortion must be available because it "helps a woman'sbody be more like a man's" (Callahan 631). It is a betrayal of feminism, which has builtthe struggle for justice on the bedrock of women's empathy" (627). In Callahan's opinion, feminism is traditionally dedicated tofighting for justice not only for women but the world around them. Callahan believes thatin order for women to achieve true equality, they must receive more socialsupport and changes in society's structure, as well as "increased self-confidence, self-expectations, and self-esteem. As Callahan sees it,"Responsiveness and response-ability to things unchosen are also instancesof the highest human moral capacity" (627). ForCallahan, the moment of birth does not distinguish a newborn from a nine-month fetus in any real way. Some of the disconnect within the feminist community arises from adistorted concept of morality, according to Callahan. Womenturn to feminism because it is about the struggle for a better way to live. There are few debates that rage as passionately as the argumentregarding abortion and women's reproductive rights. Works CitedCallahan, Sidney. In her article, Sidney Callahan presents a fairly persuasivecase for a pro-life feminist agenda. This is because thereis intrinsic value in all human life, which does not depend upon "meetingthe selective criteria or tests set up by powerful others" (Callahan 628). If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again: Search for: or Click here to request an essay written just for you.