U.S. POLICY IN ASIA-PACIFIC REGION.   Term Paper ID:26249 Click to get this paper

Essay Subject: Examines U.S. interests in region & current Amer. policy & proposes improved regional strategy. Economics, military, diplomacy, environment, politics, global issues, objectives, trade, weapons of mass destruction.... More...

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Paper Abstract: Examines U.S. interests in region & current Amer. policy & proposes improved regional strategy. Economics, military, diplomacy, environment, politics, global issues, objectives, trade, weapons of mass destruction. Paper Introduction: United States Strategic Appraisal for Asia-Pacific This paper will formulate a regional strategic appraisal for the United States in the Asia-Pacific region. The first part of the paper will exam the U.S. interests in this region, briefly describing the vital and important interests which must drive U.S. regional strategy. The second part of the paper will discuss current U.S. policy in the Asia-Pacific as it relates to the stated interests. The third part of the paper will propose a regional strategy designed to best further these interests. U.S. Interests in the Asia-Pacific Region Vital Interests There are three vital United States interests in the Asia-Pacific region: (1) open access to economic markets; (2) a region free from domination by a single power or power bloc; and (3) governm Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. However, North Korea is being led by a very unstable andunpredictable leadership; its possession of WMDs (especially nuclearweapons) would represent an immense danger to the region. Consequently, terrorist acts have reached ahigher magnitude than those committed during the 196 s and 197 s.Terrorists motivated by religion or cultural ideologies have begun usingweapons and tactics capable of inflicting massive casualties, as in theWorld Trade Center and Oklahoma City bombings. It reinforces the notion that China is the preeminent military power inEast Asia, reminding the other Asian states that overwhelming violence cantrump economic power (Godwin, 1996, pp. Army War College. It should benoted that domination does not necessarily mean political or militarydomination, although that may not be out of the question. Consequently,they would pose no objections to U.S. 37-47).Carlisle: U.S. Regional Strategy in the Asia-Pacific Region In light of the above discussion, it is necessary to formulate aregional strategy for the Asia-Pacific region which takes into account thesuggested interests. The result of this thinking can be a sort of"knee-jerk" reaction on the part of Asian governments when the subject of"open markets" is raised (Gill and Henley, 1997, pp. leaders must cease their efforts to tie Chinesemembership in the World trade Organization (WTO) to human rights issues.While human rights reforms in Asia may have been an important interest inthe past, Asian perceptions of Western cultural hegemony have made themobstacles to maintaining open economic markets. 8-9). H B. There is also the danger that North Korean leaders couldpurchase such weapons from rogue elements in the former Soviet Union.However, these elements require cash from purchasers and North Korea isdesperately short of economic resources. and the majornations in the region, particularly China and Japan. In Asian Security to the Year 2 . (1997). Cooperation between the United States and the Asian-Pacific nationsin question would be absolutely necessary in these situations. and China. The other major part of this strategy is containing the efforts ofNorth Korea to manufacture or obtain WMDs. must be very careful not to appearas dictating policies to Asian governments. Consequently, it is important for U.S. Policy in AsiaStatement of Current Policy From the end of the Second World War until the early 199 s, UnitedStates policies in Asia were focused upon the containment of communism.With the demise of the Soviet Union at the end of 1991, however,containment became obsolete. Such force would beapplied either by the agencies themselves (such as the FBI's SWAT team), bymilitary units (such as the Delta force), or by a combination of theseunits. Such demands have irritated not only Chinese government officials butalso officials from other Asian countries who resent the superioritycomplex of the West (Mahbubani, 1995). advocacy of higher environmental andhygienic standards in the region smacks of Western cultural imperialism.It implies Asian backwardness and inferiority, and an unworthiness ofjoining the developed world. hegemonywhich determine the value of proliferation to the Chinese. They representa counter to U.S. ArmyWar College. policy in the regionseems to place too much emphasis upon the pursuit of an interest which isnot vital, but merely important. Although there is a danger that such a tie-in could damagenegotiations, this danger is relatively minor. To this China/Japan equation we must also add the responses of theother nations in the region. International Politics in Northeast Asia: TheChina-Japan-United States strategic Triangle. The reaction of China to perceived U.S. U.S. Washington D.C.: Strategic Studies Institute. Moreover,Japanese reaction to increased Chinese power will probably become a majorissue in this area. The importance of environmental/health standards in the Asia-Pacificregion stem from the severe pressures being placed upon natural resourcesby overpopulation and the increasing threat of global disease pandemics.Peripheral Interests No peripheral interests could be idenitified for the Asia-pacificregion. This importance is intensified by thefact that China is no longer an undeveloped nation, but an industrializingone whose economy is already growing faster than that of almost any othercountry. These states, particularlyRussia, possess the highest degree of weapons technology outside the UnitedStates. power and even a potential bargaining chip which can beused in economic and political negotiations. 78-79). U.S. Consequently, much of thefollowing discussion will not deal with traditional military issues, suchas maintaining bases. Carlisle: U.S. China and the Revolution in MilitaryAffairs. However, they present a danger in that they may try topurchase these devices from various parties. Shattuck, J. (1996). Such ideals directly conflict with traditional Asianphilosophic ideas founded in Confucian teachings. As noted above, Westerndemocratic ideas promote the primacy of the individual, while Asiantraditions advocate the primacy of the group. military action in this region could be veryadverse. Consequently,they resent Western efforts to impose ideas which imply Asian inferiorityin these matters. (pp. Although the United States has long prided itselfupon upholding humanitarian principles throughout the world, U.S. United States Strategic Appraisal for Asia-Pacific This paper will formulate a regional strategic appraisal for theUnited States in the Asia-Pacific region. Leibo, S. A majorquestion exists as to whether North Korea possesses this technology andwhether it can make use of it. 48-54). Consequently, thisthird set of objectives which must be examined closely to determine whetherit is worth the friction it causes. Washington D.C.: Strategic Studies Institute. Much of thisobjective is tied to population concentrations and movements. The spread of WMDs alsoserves as a method of countering potential Japanese hegemony in the region. interests inthe Asia-Pacific region: cultural nationalism. They tend to view completely open marketsas part of the same Western culture which emphasizes liberal philosophiescentered on the individual. In particular,the relationship between China and Japan has the potential for dramaticallyaffecting this interest. Only then will theU.S. political and cultural norms are affected by theinternal factor of Asian reaction against Western cultural hegemony. (1996). Regardless of whether a new Sino-Japanese conflict everoccurs, the expanded military forces in the region increase the potentialfor various sorts of violent trouble in the region. 222-233). leaders must focus more upon economic cooperation withcountries in the region to encourage open markets. The firstinterest is vital because the Asia-Pacific region has the potential forbecoming the largest single market for American goods and services andbecause China and Japan will soon have economies larger than any othercountries, save the United States. The possible spread of WMDs to those few nations and non-governmental parties who are not pursuing economic interests mar leave theUnited States with no choice but to use force in the region. Interests in the Asia-Pacific RegionInternal Factors(1) Cultural Nationalism There is one major internal factor which will affect U.S. Conference of the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies. government is seeking to achievecertain objectives in its policy towards China. (1996). Japan's economy is currently the second largestin the world (after that of the United States); China's economy ispredicted to reach the number three spot in less than twenty years. Sutter, R. The situation with Japan is slightly different. Interests in the Asia-Pacific RegionVital Interests There are three vital United States interests in the Asia-Pacificregion: (1) open access to economic markets; (2) a region free fromdomination by a single power or power bloc; and (3) governments dedicatedto preventing the spread of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). Carlisle: U.S. This form of nationalism has its roots in the Westernimperial domination of the region during the Nineteenth and early TwentiethCenturies. The Pacific Way. Fearing another conflict, thesenations may themselves begin military expansion programs and even seek topurchase WMDs. This means that the intelligence servicesmust track weapons and technology throughout the region, as well as monitorany developments which might indicate that individuals in China with theability to do so are attempting to move such items. Non-political terrorism has become a serious issue throughoutthe world during the last twenty years. 5 -52). 5 ). Finally, the U.S. In addition, other countries in the region fearboth China and Japan because of past aggression by both countries. Since population control is a verysensitive topic to any country, the U.S. While Asian governments recognize theneed to participate in the worldwide economic markets, they prefer toparticipate on their own terms. trade. Duringthe early 199 s, the piracy threat was brought under control in South Asiaand was considered a law enforcement problem. economicand cultural hegemony in the region could take the form of spreadingnuclear or chemical weapons in the region. Role. Most of the Asian leadersacknowledge the greater danger arising from WMDs proliferation and would bewilling to impose restrictions upon the dissemination of WMD technology. Indeed, the economic miracle of this region would not have beenpossible without the weakening and ultimate demise of the Soviet Union inthe 198 s and early 199 s. Indeed, terrorist actscould potentially threaten the freedom of shipping in the straits ofIndonesia and Malaysia, a development which could have severe economiceffects throughout the region. However, the threat to the U.S. U.S. At the same time, however, the U.S. Consequently, Asians view Westernefforts to "convert" Asia over to accepting the primacy of the individualas a vestige of the old imperialist system (Leibo, 1997; Shattuck, 1997,pp. Wilborn, T. Moreover, the end of the Cold War reduced the danger of a nuclearconflict between the United States and the countries of the former SovietUnion to the point that traditional American foreign policy objectives nolonger have much relevance. Japan has been aloyal political and economic ally for fifty years and has exhibited noindications that it wishes to expand its military capabilities. and the nations in the region. Next, U.S. The informationgathered by these agencies will then be used to determine whether forceshould be utilized against any particular group. The pursuit ofnone of these interests requires that the most important nations in theregion adopt Western cultural norms. leaders to alleviate Japanesefears of Chinese aggression by renewing assurances of military assistanceto Japan. The ClintonAdministration, especially, has pursued a policy which emphasizes economicinterests and de-emphasizes confrontation as a means of achieving thesepolicy interests. If North Korea is found to possess workingweapons, consideration must be given to destroying those weapons withforce. officialsmust tie restrictions on the movement of weapons and technology to economicnegotiations. (pp. At thepresent, China and India are the only nations in the Asia-Pacific regionwhich officially possess WMDs. The force levels in question would not come close to thosemaintained during the Cold War and would not require the establishment ofany bases similar in size to those located in the Philippines through the198 s. Consequently, the strategy for attaining the objectiveof ensuring open trade routes involves the use of intelligence agenciesfrom the law enforcement and national security structures of the UnitedStates and the nations of the Asia-Pacific region. One clear example was the nerve gas attack by a Japanese cultin the Tokyo subway. interestand resulting objective should only be considered important, rather thanvital. L. While such power may have been necessary andsufficient to pursue interests which were related to countering theinfluence of the Soviet Union during the Cold War, it can becounterproductive in a world where economic interests are pursued by all ofthe nations in the region. Both countries have dominated the region at various times in thepast and there seems to be some evidence that certain groups within bothcountries would like to reassert dominance in the future. However, the economicrecession of the late 199 s may result in increased piracy, intensifyingthe threat to the trade routes (Conference of the Asia-Pacific Center forSecurity Studies, 1997).(b) Concepts The terrorism and piracy problems lend themselves to more traditionalmilitary solutions. The adoption of such standards representsunderstanding on the part of Asia that population controls are absolutelynecessary if future economic advancement is to be assured. Theofficial overall foreign policy of the Clinton Administration, engagementand enlargement, is clearly visible in the Asia-Pacific region. In Regional Strategic Studies: Asia-Pacific. The Confucianand Buddhist traditions in Asia have produced a slightly different set ofcore values in Asia than that established in Western countries. It has become clearthat the Chinese leaders now recognize the importance of open economicmarkets and increasing trade between the U.S. Again, intelligence agencies mustbe on the alert for the potential movement of materials in the formerSoviet Union and North Korea. This issue will also betouched upon below, when discussing the cultural and political normsinterest.(2) Keeping Trade Routes Open(a) Statement of Objective Another objective related to the open market interest is ensuring thattrade routes are not blocked by non-governmental forces, such as terroristsand pirates. Given the traditional suspicion of the Chinese towardsJapan (Wilborn 1996, pp. Cultural nationalism refersto the historical reaction by Asian-Pacific nations against perceivedWestern imperialism. Relations include political, economic,and cultural ties (Albright, 1997, p. TheAdministration proudly points out that contacts between the United Statesand China go beyond official level, extending to ties between the Americanand Chinese people at every level. 21-29). Pakistan is believed to possess WMDs, buthas not tested them yet. does not wish to interfere in Chinese domestic policy or with Chineseeconomic trade. 8-9). regional strategy. Assuch, both nations cannot fail but to compete on many issues. Ed. 244-247). naval presence in the region. D. D.L. The othercommunist nations in the region, particularly Vietnam, were too poor andbackward to pose any threat to any vital Western interests and themselveswere looking for economic cooperation with Western countries.Consequently, the basis for U.S. (1996). (1995). Asian leaders, particularly in China, can point out that they havedevised and implemented population controls far stringent than any adoptedby Western countries. In Regional StrategicStudies: Asia-Pacific. Asian leaders have alreadystated that they will not tolerate Western intrusion into domestic socialpolicies, arguing that open economic markets can also be maintained bysocieties that which do not place as much emphasis upon individualfreedoms. government isseeking to gain Chinese cooperation in curbing the proliferation of WMDsand fighting international terrorism and crime. The military and political withdrawal of the West from theregion during the latter decades of the Twentieth Century removed theimpetus for political nationalism; however, the continued economicdominance of the West during this period has given a boost to culturalnationalism (Gill and Henley, 1996, pp. Less than thirty years ago,China threatened Japan with nuclear weapons as a result of Japan'spolitical alliance with the United States. 37-64). Already, Chinese leaders have shown somerecognition that their country is benefiting greatly from Sino-Japanesetrade and have limited their criticism of Japan to the issues of Taiwan andJapanese linking of economic assistance to Chinese suspension of nuclearweapons testing (Wilborn, 1996, pp. This possibilityconstitutes a destabilizing force in the region, giving several of thewealthier countries in the region the potential power to threaten theothers in exchange for any sorts of concessions. interest in maintaining open markets or to any of theother U.S. They believe that the differences between Western and Asianideas concerning individual freedoms are philosophical differences whichcan and must be tolerated, rather than obstacles to achieving universalnorms of freedom (Mahbubani, 1995, pp. During the Nineteenth and early TwentiethCenturies, Asians resented Westerners imposing political control over theirregion and western values on their culture. This does not mean, however, that military power is completelyobsolete. must ensure that China does not proffer these weapons toany of the parties seeking them. 27 -292).Carlisle: U.S. Although few such acts havebeen committed in the Asia-Pacific region, the potential for them isincreasing. Since the early 199 s, the U.S. power by asserting its ownpower in the form of distributing WMDs. military strike aimed at North Korean WMDs.(5) Preventing Environmental/Hygienic Disasters(a) Statement of Onjective The last objective in the region should be preventing and/oralleviating the effects of environmental/hygienic disasters in the region.Because we live in an age of rapid transoceanic travel, such disasters canquickly spread from their points of origin to other parts of the world.Thus, a pandemic in the Asia-Pacific region will not likely be confined tothe region, but will swiftly spread to the United States homeland.Consequently, the prevention of such disasters must be included as anobjective of U.S. (1996). This first vital interest leadsdirectly to the second, for the rise of a power able to dominate such largeeconomic market could economically attack the U.S. In fact, as will be discussed below, focusing toomuch on military issues may be detrimental to achieving the objectives.Instead, U.S. A distinctpossibility is that other leaders in the region, particularly in China,recognize the danger represented by North Korea and will not challenge aU.S. Cooperation between the United States and China,especially, has grown to the point that most dialogue between the twogovernments concerns not military affairs, but economic issues. In Regional Strategic Studies: Asia-Pacific. (1997). would likely be seen as an example ofWestern hegemony in the region and would result in a severe deteriorationof relations between the U.S. leadersmust accept the fact that Asian nations are no longer willing to accede toWestern humanitarian demands when they perceive that such demands are basedupon cultural norms not rooted in Asian culture. The Koreas and the ChangingNortheast Region. Japan possesses the technology to produce WMDs,but has officially stated that it will not build such devices. The sheer size of theChinese economy makes it the most important focus of American foreignpolicy in the foreseeable future. Obviously,these developments cannot be controlled very easily, much less prevented.Any attempts to do so would meet with strong Asian resistance, since theywould appear distinctly as Western attempts to interfere in domesticaffairs and assert hegemony.(b) Concepts Consequently, they strategy for attaining this objective should bebased upon programs to assist Asian-Pacific governments at diseaseprevention and population control. If it were to be dominated by any single power, that power couldcoerce or influence the nations in this region into adopting policiesadverse to the U.S. Both countries fear that theother ultimately seeks to control the Asia-Pacific region and might embarkupon future aggression. (1997). Although it nominally took the form of political nationalism duringthe middle decades of the Twentieth Century, cultural nationalismrepresents a much broader idea than political nationalism. In addition, the issue of Western culturalhegemony is one which has the potential of economically uniting Asiancountries against the United States.(b) Concepts Therefore, the primary concept for achieving this objective must focusupon smoothing out sticking points in the U.S.-Chinese relationship.Because the primary sticking point is Asia fear of Western culturalhegemony, the primary concept must include various methods of engaging theChinese leaders in dialogues which will reassure them that U.S. These new terrorists are usuallymotivated by religion or similar or other philosophical concerns notstrictly related to politics. The question, here, is whether tying Chinese integration to theadoption of Western cultural norms should be a vital part of the U.S.policy in this region. 78-86). In Regional Strategic Studies: Asia-Pacific. This strategy for maintaining open trade routes should also includesome sort of U.S. has adjusted its policy in the Asia-Pacific region to a certain extent to reflect the new reality. The third part of the paper willpropose a regional strategy designed to best further these interests. Factors Affecting U.S. policy in the region was destroyed, so tospeak, by the very outcome sought by U.S. The challengefor the United States is measuring how much this reaction will affect theinterest of creating and maintaining open markets in the Asia-Pacificregion.(2) Relationships between Asian-Pacific Countries Another internal factor affecting open markets in the region is therelationship between the various Asian-Pacific countries. Again, these assurances should not take the form of increasedU.S. The second vital interest in this region, preventing the spread ofweapons of mass destruction, will also be affected by the same two internalfactors described above. The first part of the paper willexam the U.S. The fact that these weapons willprobably never be used is not the point of distribution; it is thepossibility of use and the potential threat they pose to U.S. (pp. policy in this region. Obviously, the mostimportant market in the region is that of China, which has the largestpopulation of any country in the world and which likely have the thirdlargest economy in the world within twenty years. Continued emphasis upon Western humanitarian norms willultimately be counterproductive to the pursuit of vital interests. Anyunilateral action taken by the U.S. Doing so will help alleviate Chinese fears that the UnitedStates wishes to dominate the region and will educate the Chinese leadersas to the desirability of maintaining a balance of influence in the region. Testimony before the House InternationalRelations Committee. In Regional StrategicStudies: Asia-Pacific. Washington D.C.: Strategic Studies Institute. foreign policy, coincidingwith the stated interests of the Clinton Administration's national securitystrategy, is engaging China in more extensive economic trade and ensuringthat the Chinese market remains open to U.S. At thispoint in time, it does not appear that North Korea has all of the necessarymaterials for manufacturing these weapons, making the isolation strategyeffective. is trying to replace traditional Asian values with Western ones.These objectives appear to smack of Western cultural elitism and a refusalon the part of the United States to allow the Chinese, or any Asian nation,to establish a true leadership role in the region. policies in theregion. 1-36). As stated earlier in this paper, the vitalinterests of U.S. Ed. 234-269). All ofthese fears can affect the behavior of individual countries in the regionto and their willingness to cooperate with policy initiatives by the UnitedStates (Wilborn, 1996, pp. G. Army War College. Pursuit of thoseobjectives which can be attained by more traditional military means must becarried out more carefully than before in order not to create greaterantagonism than absolutely necessary.(1) Maintaining Open Economic Markets, Particularly in China(a) Statement of Objective The first, and most important, objective in the Asia-Pacific region isopening economic markets which have been closed to the United States andits Western allies and maintaining them once opened. During the Cold War, the Soviet Unionchallenged the United States for influence in the Asia-Pacific region andwas able to coerce several Asian nations into opposing U.S. The secondpart of the paper will discuss current U.S. Most importantly, the Chinese militarypossesses a growing number of nuclear weapons, while the Japanese militarydoes not. The Clinton Administration has stated that Chinese acceptance ofWestern norms concerning political liberalism, particularly human rights,would accelerate China's integration into the World community.Consequently, the Administration has pressed issues such as the release ofpolitical prisoners and recognition of Tibetan autonomy (Albright, 1997, p.52). (1997).Asia Pacific Security for the 21st century: Dynamics and New Directions.Http://www.apcss.org/Report%2 97.html. Moreimportantly, there is a history of distrust between the two Asian giants.Less than seventy years ago, Japan invaded China, killing millions ofChinese and committing innumerable atrocities. Carlisle: U.S. Economic interests are best attained throughcooperation and avoiding conflict. The rather isolated nature of the threats posed would requirerelatively small forces and any necessary actions could be reinforced byU.S.-based forces as needed. and China and none can intimidate eithercountry into ceasing trade. The best method for doing thisis economically and politically isolating North Korea, inhibiting it fromobtaining all of the resources needed to manufacture the weapons. policymakers must make thedistinction between the relative value of the two sets of interests andadopt policies which place more emphasis upon the vital interests.Recommendations U.S. Thus, the U.S. Althoughthe destabilization of the Korean peninsula may not represent an immediatethreat to a vital interest of the United States, it could eventuallythreaten the maintenance of open economic markets in the region inunforeseen ways. InRegional Strategic Studies: Asia-Pacific. Thus, the most important objective in U.S. forces stationed at bases in theregion.(3) Keeping Region Free from Domination by Single Power(a) Statement of Objective Another major objective related to a vital interest in this region isensuring that the region remains free from domination by any single power.This objective is crucial because of the economic importance of thisregion. Godwin, P. (pp. Smith. mustseek to curb the proliferation of WMDs in a region which is so economicallyvital to the United States.Important Interests Regional interests which are important to the United States, but notvital, include high environmental/health standards and countries andgovernments in the region which share political and cultural norms with theU.S. Army War College. Asian leaders particularly resent the idea that open economic marketscan only be achieved by countries which embrace Western ideals ofdemocracy. interests in this region, briefly describing the vital andimportant interests which must drive U.S. Moreover, the formerSoviet states constitute the most likely source of WMD technology for thedisintegrating North Korea (Sutter, 1996, p. 244-245).(4) Preventing the Proliferation of WMDs(a) Statement of Objective The next objective is preventing the proliferation of WMDs. Gill, B, and Henley, L. It must also be remembered that Islamic terroristgroups are increasing their influence and activities in the region, atroubling but logical development in light of the fact that Indonesia isthe most populous Islamic country in the world. Carlisle: U.S. Finally, there is also adanger that terrorist groups in the region may also purchase the devices.(b) Concepts The regional strategy pursuing this objective has several facets.First, the U.S. Army War College. Although the People's Republic of Chinaremained communist, its government was already exhibiting a willingness toadopt free market principles in its economy and a willingness to cooperatewith the United States and its allies in numerous areas. leaders should encourage increased economic trade betweenthe two countries, convincing both that they would have something to losefrom increased tension. The primary threats to achieving this objective are posed by China andJapan. The decline of Westernpolitical control, however, did not mean that the West also ceased tryingto exert cultural control over Asia. efforts in this area, efforts whichwill result in benefits to both countries. In fact, U.S. J., Jr., and Kim, A. Ultimately, economic dominationcould lead to military and political domination.(b) Concepts The regional strategy for preventing such domination in the region isvery similar to that devised for maintaining open economic markets. East, Southeast Asia, and the Western PacificToday. policyoptions, as reaction to U.S. However,unresolved trade frictions in the past twenty years indicate that Japaneseleaders have no desire to give up certain trade advantages it enjoys in itsrelationship with the United States and other Western countries. interests in the region. As with the economic interest,the Chinese government could respond to U.S. No third party country has theability to threaten this objective (as the Soviet Union might have twentyyears ago). isasking the Chinese government to accept the evolution of democracy in theregion by recognizing the right of Taiwan to exist independently of thePRC, allowing Hong Kong a considerable degree of autonomy, and increasingits observation of human rights standards developed in the West (Albright,1997, pp. Conducting such a dialogue and continuing trade expansion will convinceChinese leaders that their country has a stake in maintaining the statusquo. Likewise, disease preventionprograms should consist of assistance, rather than unilateral programs.However, the strategy should be affirmative in nature, because thisobjective is important to the United States and failure to pursue it couldhave serious consequences for the domestic population of this country. (pp. Taylor, W. and otherWestern leaders are not seeking to impose Western culture upon Asiancountries as a part of an effort to maintain open economic markets in theregion. A. China,in particular, must be engaged in dialogue to convince its leaders that theU.S. Such Western norms areliable to provoke a united Asian reaction in defense of Asian culture,rather than just isolated national reactions defending particular politicalregimes. As might be deduced from the preceding paragraphs,this new regional strategy will be largely based upon economic objectives,rather than political or physical objectives. If the Japanese begin believing that Chinese leaders intend todominate that region and that U.S. American Principle and Purpose in East Asia. 244-245), such a move on the part of the Japanesewill result in an all-out arms race between the two nations, which couldultimately lead to armed conflict. Smith.(pp. Again, the size of such apresence must be determined by both the United States and the nations inthe region. Finally, the U.S. policy in the Asia-Pacific asit relates to the stated interests. Asian leaders may recognize that adoption ofstandards is necessary for preservation of an environment favorable tocontinued human existence, but they cannot help but feel that theacceptance of such standards devised and imposed by Western elites equatesto an acceptance of Western superiority and paternalism. Current U.S. The greatest worry is that theinstitutions acting as caretakers for this technology may be all toowilling to sell the technology to the highest bidders. Second, the U.S. must be circumspect in the methods used to attain this objectiveand more restrained in the application of these methods. In addition, the development of WMDs by North Korea threatens todestabilize the Korean peninsula and/or neighboring countries. References Albright, M. (pp. Moreover, the Asian-Pacific regions wouldalmost certainly object to large U.S. Inaddition, U.S. The important interests of high environmental/hygienic standards andcountries which share U.S. foreign policy overall for morethan forty years. As noted earlier in this report, the only realthreat to this objective is Asian fear of Western cultural hegemony.Chinese resentment of perceived Western cultural superiority could induceChinese leaders to place restrictions on the opening of their economicmarket to the United States. By economicallydominating the region, either China or Japan could achieve the same ends asif they dominated the region militarily. Mahbubani, K. Shaping China's Future in World Affairs: TheU.S. policy in the region should focus more upon economic issues andbe designed to separate economic issues from cultural issues. policy in the Asia-Pacific region are maintaining openeconomic markets, ensuring that no one nation is able to decisivelydominate the region, and preventing the spread of WMDs. Morethan any other interests, U.S. Asian resistance to Western efforts at imposing Western cultural normsthroughout the region has also made Asians wary of Western efforts to openthe economic markets in the region. Economicdominance is the greater threat in today's world. Army War College. While the threat of maritime piracy does not have the far-rangingeffects of terrorism, it still poses a threat to open trade routes. This last option presents some severe dangers to U.S. Conclusion From the preceding paragraphs, it can be deduced that the UnitedStates can no longer rely simply on military power to pursue its interestsin the Asia-Pacific region. L. (pp. In Asian Security to the Year 2 . The culturalissues should only be addressed to the extent that they affect the opennessof economic markets. Because this objective is connected to an interest which is onlyimportant, the options for formulating a strategy are necessarily limited.The U.S. population emanating from suchdisasters cannot be considered immediate or grave (absent theidentification of an extremely lethal contagion). 37-64). No third party country has the ability to completely blocktrade routes between the U.S. Incontrast to the Western tradition emphasizing the primacy and value of theindividual within the group, Asian tradition has emphasized the primacy ofthe group over the individual. In addition, U.S. China's Security Policy Enters the 21stCentury: The View from Beijing. leaders lack the will to confront China,then it is very conceivable that Japan will undertake an expansion of itsmilitary forces. While North Korea appears to have no interest in takingpart in economic markets, the apparent irrationality of its governmentcould result in acts of extreme violence as the country fails (Taylor andKim, 1996, pp. However, theuse of such force will require cooperation between the U.S. These norms include opening markets according toWorld Trade Organization terms and tying economic development to higherstandards of environmental conditions. 222-233).External Factors(1) Actions of the Former Soviet States An external factor which could affect this interest is the instabilityamong the countries of the former Soviet Union. The Japanese recognize that their military forces cannot match thestrength of the Chinese military. This last set of objectives is causing the most friction in the U.S.-Chinese relationship, largely because the Chinese government believes thatthe U.S. The rest of the nations in the region donot possess the technology and do not seem to possess the devicesthemselves. Because they are desperate for economic resources, they representpotential sellers of WMD technology. Both China and Japan are regarded with somedegree of fear by most of the countries in the Asia-Pacific region, whoremember centuries of domination by China and the brutal Japaneseoccupation of the Second World War. military presence in the region, but instead should consist of forcemaintenance at present levels (reduced from the Cold War levels). First, it wants theChinese government to accept "international" norms concerning economic andenvironmental issues. be able to apply force while still pursuing the economic interestswhich have become so vital. 28 ). 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