POLITICAL REALISM & NEOREALISM.   Term Paper ID:23196 Click to get this paper

Essay Subject: Compares theories & their application in international relations, economics & national power of Estonia & North Korea.... More...

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Paper Abstract: Compares theories & their application in international relations, economics & national power of Estonia & North Korea. Paper Introduction: REALISM AND NEOREALISM IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: SIMILARITIES, DIFFERENCES, EXAMPLES One perception of international relations is based upon a premise "that a rational and moral political order, derived from universally valid abstract principles, can be achieved here and now." An alternative perception holds that "the world, imperfect as it is from the rational point of view, is the result of forces inherent in human nature." This alternative perception holds further that the conduct of international relations must, therefore, be realistic, must accept human nature as it actually is, and must deal with political processes as they actually occur. The theory of political realism holds that international relations is the concept of interest defined in terms of power. "Political realism does not require, nor does it Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. Waltz, "Realist Thought and Neorealist Theory," Journal ofInternational Affairs 44 (Summer 199 ): 32. . The conventional wisdom in explaining North Korean foreign policyfocuses on elites, ideology and attitudes, and domestic variables.[xviii]This view tends to see the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) asan atavistic state whose ideology and political regime are heading for theash heap of history, and scholars argue that North Korea has been a pariahstate with a "cult of personality" surrounding the late Kim Il Sung, and anaberrant and unpredictable foreign policy.[xix] Kang argued that,contrary to popular belief, North Korea's foreign policy is neitherirrational nor impenetrable to systematic explanation. REALISM AND NEOREALISM IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: SIMILARITIES, DIFFERENCES, EXAMPLES One perception of international relations is based upon a premise"that a rational and moral political order, derived from universally validabstract principles, can be achieved here and now."[i] An alternativeperception holds that "the world, imperfect as it is from the rationalpoint of view, is the result of forces inherent in human nature."[ii] Thisalternative perception holds further that the conduct of internationalrelations must, therefore, be realistic, must accept human nature as itactually is, and must deal with political processes as they actually occur. commitment to theSouth. North Korean development of nuclear weapons would have an effect onthe Korean Peninsula, although an effect radically different from thathypothesized by the skeptics.[xxiii] The overwhelming assumption is thatthe North's possession of nuclear weapons would result in its actingaggressively, irrationally, and dangerously. Thus power covers all social relationshipswhich serve that end, from physical violence to the most subtlepsychological ties by which one mind controls another."[v] Politicalrealism holds that "universal moral principles cannot be applied to theactions of states in their abstract universal formulation, but that theymust be filtered through the concrete circumstances of time and place."[vi] Kenneth Waltz holds that neorealism portrays a world that is differentfrom the one described by realism.[vii] Waltz stated that for "realism theworld addressed is one of interacting states. Neorealism contends that countries do not havefriends, they have interests, and American interests do not extent to theguarantee of Estonian independence. [x]Ibid. The theory of political realism holds that international relations is theconcept of interest defined in terms of power.[iii] "Political realismdoes not require, nor does it condone indifference to political ideals andmoral principles, but it requires . First, nuclearweapons provide no offensive capability and would not significantly alterthe military balance on the peninsula, although the diplomatic context maychange. [xxiv]Ibid. The countrystill has many social, economic and political problems but these are not soserious as to preclude a solution in the near future. [iii]Ibid., 6. Less important to deterrence than actual American troops stationedon the peninsula is the potential for U.S. [viii]Ibid., 32-33. Kocs, "Explaining the Strategic Behavior of States:International Law As A System Structure," International Studies Quarterly38 (December 1994): 535-556. New York: Knopf Publishers, 1992.Waltz, K. Using a frameworkderived from neorealism, Kang argued that North Korea's foreign policy,when separated from the misperceptions that surround it, is neithersurprising nor aberrant. [xii]S. Kang contended that itimportant to remember two facts about "tensions in Korea. [ix]Ibid., 34. The North Koreans do not attempt to hide the fact that theyare searching for security. In that sense, an American security guarantee for Estoniamight, in the long run, make superfluous some large-scale security measuresfor the United States itself."[xvi] A second illustration of the realist-neorealist debate may be found inNorth Korea.[xvii] North Korea's foreign policy cannot be explainedwithout considering the basic tenets of neorealism. . C. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Powerand Peace, 9th ed. "Realist Thought and Neorealist Theory." Journal of International Affairs 44 (Summer 199 ): 21-37.----------------------- [i]H. In 1995, Estonia has managed successfully the transitionfrom a Soviet colony to a pluralistic free-market democracy. [iv]Ibid., 7. Second, robust deterrence onthe Korean Peninsula has resulted from a steadfast U.S. EU membership for Estonia, however, likely is in thedistant future. Its nuclear capability is more of a political than amilitary shield against foreign pressure. commitment to the South remains strong, thelikelihood of war on the peninsula is slight."[xxiv] Estonia and North Korea, as the situations of these two countries weredescribed in the preceding discussions, illustrate the realism-neorealismdichotomy. [xiv]Ibid. [xi]S. The scenario that Russia might want to return Estonia to her perceivedfold, and that to do so might easily be in the objective and subjectiveinterest of the Russian government, is by far too realistic and tooprobable to be disregarded.[xiv] Estonia must live with this threat ifnobody is willing to guarantee her security. A realist-based argument may be made favoring anAmerican guarantee of Estonian independence. ."[iv] Power, within the context ofpolitical realism, "may comprise anything that establishes and maintainsthe control of man over man. . "Rethinking North Korea." Asian Survey 35 (March 1995): 253- 267.Kocs, S. [xxi]Ibid., 264. Throughout the 196 s North Korea had heldthe lead in relative capabilities over the South, and felt it could sustainthis lead. Guzzini, "Structural Power," International Organization 47(Summer 1993): 443. A security guarantee forEstonia could change the situation if a guarantor state could be found.The European Union (EU) could provide such a guarantee, but only if Estoniawere a member. ENDNOTES BIBLIOGRAPHYDrechsler, E. [xix]Ibid., 254. [xxiii]Ibid., 266. Thus, Estonia is the place to stop the Russians.Drechsler contends that this realist approach "is not to argue for a newdomino theory, just to say that a security guarantee for Estonia, 'besides'being 'the right thing,' is in the interest of the United States because,more than anything else, it will send the message to Russia that, while weare all friends now, new forays into world domination will not betolerated. Misconstrued andthought to defy conventional wisdom, North Korea's foreign policy depictsNorth Koreans as reckless and impulsive decision-makers. involvement. If the United States thinks that Russia should be contained, thatcontainment must occur in the Baltics.[xv] Russian developments that wouldharm the West as a whole, including the United States, will first become-manifest in Estonia. "Structural Power." International Organization 47 (Summer 1993): 443-478.Kang, D. . [xvii]D. Neorealism is heavily based on economic theory, while realismconsiders power in a broader context. It was not until South Korea began to overtake and surpassNorth Korea in the late 197 s that the North felt its security wasthreatened seriously enough for it to attempt to develop such a weapon.During the 197 s, South Korea actively attempted to procure nuclearweapons, which prompted strong reactions from both the United States andNorth Korea. [xv]Ibid. Estonia's hope forcontinued existence as an independent, democratic country, however, lies inits inclusion into the European Union and interim protection through strongUnited States-Russian relations. [xviii]Ibid. "Estonia in Transition." World Affairs 157 (Winter 1995): 111- 117.Guzzini, S. [xx]Ibid. J. [xiii]E. [vii]K. Drechsler, "Estonia in Transition," World Affairs 157 (Winter1995): 111-117. [xxii]Ibid. In the interim, Estonian security can be guaranteed onlyby the United States. Kang, "Rethinking North Korea," Asian Survey 35 (March1995): 253-267. N. Kang demonstrated thatnot only can neorealism explain North Korea's foreign policy and the "long-peace" on the Korean Peninsula, but also that neorealism can subsume manyof the decision-making explanations.[xx] Kang asked rhetorically why North Korea waited until the 198 s tobegin attempting to develop a nuclear weapon, noting that the North Koreanscould have begun much earlier, as China first detonated a nuclear weapon inthe early 196 s and the Soviets had developed bombs in the 195 s.[xxi]Kang offered an explanation consistent with neorealism that focused on theexternal changes that had an impact on North Korea, having to do with itsposition vis-à-vis the South. J. [v]Ibid., 9. [vi]Ibid., 11. "Explaining the Strategic Behavior of States: International Law As A System Structure." International Studies Quarterly 38 (December 1994): 535-556.Morgenthau, H. N. Two principal questions undergird this study.First, how well does the conventional wisdom explain North Korean foreignpolicy, and second, can an analysis derived from neorealist theory explainNorth Korea better than the conventional wisdom? Contrary topopular belief, however, North Korea is unlikely to wage another waragainst South Korea. (New York: Knopf Publishers, 1992), p. a sharp distinction between thedesirable and the possible . Realism likely will last longer. [ii]Ibid. Realism, however, does not functionwithout a moral basis. For neorealists, interactingstates can be adequately studies only by distinguishing between structuraland unit level causes and effects."[viii] Neorealism "contends thatinternational politics can be understood only if the effects of structureare added to traditional realism's unit-level explanations."[ix]Neorealism theory, according to Waltz, "shows that causes run not in onedirection, from interacting units to outcomes produced, but rather in twodirections."[x] The transition from realism to neorealism, it has been argued, byplacing a greater reliance on economic methodology, diminishes the range ofthe concept of power.[xi] Neorealistic models attempt to explain thestrategic behavior of states within the context of system structure.[xii] One example of the realism-neorealism debate is Estonia.[xiii]Estonia attracted world attention when the country was among the firstrepublics of the Former Soviet Union to break away and declareindependence. North Korea cannothope to win a war against the United States, and stability is thusmaintained; if the U.S. [xvi]Ibid., 116. A. 3). North Korea with nuclear weapons will be no more likely to win awar than without such weapons; knowing that the stakes are greater, itmight even be less likely to launch a war. Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, 9th ed. C. A. The DPRK press quoted Foreign Minister KimYong Nam as saying that détente between the Soviet Union and South Korea"will leave us no other choice but to take measures to provide us forourselves some weapons for which we have so far relied on the SovietUnion."[xxii] Even though the United States officially removed its land-based nuclear warheads from the peninsula in 1991, the American nucleardeterrent remains quite strong. If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again: Search for: or Click here to request an essay written just for you.