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Paper Abstract: Parties, ideology, membership, inmpact of 1989 Soviet revolution, public support, elections. Paper Introduction: The 1989 Revolution in the Soviet Union had a profound impact on Communist parties in Western Europe. Communists in France and Italy differed significantly in their leadership responses to the Revolution. Bull identifies three possible responses: "first, remaining an unchanged 'more orthodox' communist party; second, becoming a 'refounded' communist party; and third, changing into a non-communist party of the left." French and Italian Communist parties combined represented the entire range of responses. The seeds of division in West European communist parties were sown prior to the 1989 Soviet Revolution when Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in 1985. Gorbachev's regime changed the nature of the relationship of many West European communist parties with Moscow. Disagreement arose over the concept of Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. Bobigny, witha population of 44, residents is home to 2,7 Communist activists whooperate from 7 neighborhood and factory cells.[xiv] The Communistsaddress the needs of the grass roots population. The decade of the 199 swill see a new breed of communism emerging in Western Europe. The PCF rarely criticizes the Communistdoctrine, even in the face of the 1989 dismantling of the Communist systemin Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. Although relatively new, the Communist Refoundation party received 6per cent of the vote in the 1994 election. That bogyman has been buried."[xxx] The overthrow ofthe state-party system in the Soviet Union also caused concern for the DCbecause it operates a substantial number of major Italian corporations andlocal public works. By 1989,the party had slipped to 7.71 per cent of the votes and won 7 seats. Observers describe the city as "awell-run, bustling place free from the corruption and at least some of theinefficiency that plague the Christian Democrat-controlled south."[xxviii]Although the Communists instituted many socialist programs in the past(e.g., housing subsidies and free transportation), most of these programshave been cut back. At other times the political role assumes the characteristicsof a "revolutionary party" as opposed to maintaining the status quo. Endnotes BibliographyBull, Martin. The history of the PCF is characterized by "a series of alternatingphases, hard-line and uncompromising phases followed by conciliatoryphases."[iii] As with other Communist parties, the PCF for decades wasorganized under a system of "Democratic Centralism" in which the higherlevel candidates are elected by the rank-and-file. However, the PCIseldom suffered from lack of funding: "their fund-raising was based onspontaneous contributions from militants, on the direct and indirectassistance of the USSR, on the control of unions and city councils in manyareas, and on substantial support from the cooperative movement."[xxiv] Threatened by the strength of the PCI during the 197 s, oppositionparties expanded their requests for campaign funding by the businesscommunity during the 198 s. Federation delegates attend theParty Congress which meets every three years. In 1976, the PCIreceived 34 per cent of the Italian vote.[xxii] Despite this popularsupport, the PCI has never achieved its objective of attaining asignificant portion of political power in Italy. During the Persian Gulf War, the pacifistCommunists forged an alliance with the extreme Left: "This helped todiscredit the French peace movement, which proved incapable of enrollingsignificant support among the population at large."[xx] The ability of thePCF to maintain inner stability and to form critical alliances with like-minded political parties are the keys to its success in future elections. "Communism a la Francaise." Time, 138 (September 16,1991), 38-39.Kopkind, Andrew. On an organizational level, theparties' membership declined as well. The PCF is a party of "professional revolutionaries"that refuses to compromise with the ruling class. Others, like the CommunistRefoundation splinter party from the Italian PCI, qualify as moderates.Still others, like the PDS, have moved significantly to the right andformed alliances with non-communist movements. The PCF's survival in future elections is dependent upon its abilityto remain a protest party which champions the cause of the working class.According to Bull, the PCF faces stiff competition: "Protest parties nowrepresent an inter-class mix of those most disillusioned with advancedcapitalism and communist parties may find themselves competing on the sameterrain as extremist parties and movements from the other end of thepolitical spectrum."[xix] In France, the Left is represented chiefly bySocialists and Communists. Membership in the PCI-PDS has also declined. The ideology of the PCF is both Marxist and Leninist. The 1989 Soviet Union Revolution left many West European communistparties in the throes of identity crises. Support for the DC was maintained partlybecause of the perceived threat of communism: "it (the DC) cannot rely oncold war fears to maintain its position as the only bulwark againstBolshevism in Italy. Part of the PCI's success lies in its ability to convince theaverage Italian that Communism does not represent a national threat andthat the PCI is just like any other political party. The seeds of division in West European communist parties were sownprior to the 1989 Soviet Revolution when Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in1985. With the collapse of theSoviet Union and its divisive effects on the PCI-PDS transformation, votersare no longer willing to accept a one-party system. Conditions in the city of Bologna typify the PDS approach tocommunist government. Disagreement arose over theconcept of perestroika and the proposed reform of the socialist system.West European communist parties who supported perestroika and Moscow nolonger were considered pro-Stalinist. Georges Marchais was the party'sSecretary-General from 1972 until 1993, when he resigned. The party'sMarxist beliefs maintain that human existence revolves around a classstruggle in which the proletariat suffers oppression under a capitalistsystem. Communists in France and Italydiffered significantly in their leadership responses to the Revolution.Bull identifies three possible responses: "first, remaining an unchanged'more orthodox' communist party; second, becoming a 'refounded' communistparty; and third, changing into a non-communist party of the left."[i]French and Italian Communist parties combined represented the entire rangeof responses. These benefits arefunded by "higher taxes on local business and subsidies from Socialistallies in state ministries."[xv] Under the "Communist system" members ofthe party support each other and the party machine. Communists have controlled the government of thisnorthern capital since World War II. In 1984,the party received 11.2 per cent of the votes and won 1 seats. In contrast, the PCI dominated theItalian Left. Support was greatest among the heavy industrialzones of the north, the Paris region, the east, the rural areas of thecenter and south-west, areas with weak ties to the Catholic church,traditional left-wing sections, and where the populace retained strongmemories of the Communists' participation in the Resistance.[viii] It isnot surprising then that the Communist party has declined in popularitygiven the reduction in size of the heavy industrial labor force, and thelengthy gap in time between the present and the Resistance. ThePCF is no longer a dominant political power in France: "The PC retains thetrappings and the apparatus of a major party but it has ceased to beone."[vii] At the peak of its power, the PCF maintained support in wide-ranging areas of France. Subsequently, the PCIenjoyed great electoral triumphs during the mid-197 s. The decline of support for the PCF in France is typical of thesituation for other West European parties. Of the 226 largest cities in France, 46are PCF-held.[xi] The party has 15 Communist senators, and Communistmayors run 68 of the 39 towns with populations above 2 , , of which LeHavre is the only Communist-run city with more than 1 , inhabitants.[xii] The Communist-run industrial suburbs that surround Parisare known as the "red belt." These towns have remained staunch Communistsupporters since the 193 s. Strategic difficulties arosebecause the Communists no longer held as many government offices. Ironically, the PDS has a renewed opportunity of making inroads intoItalian government due to the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe.With the communist threat still intact, Italians accepted a one-partygovernment led by the DC: "the DC maintained the monopoly of governmentand the PCI maintained the monopoly of the opposition."[xxxiii] Since theonly viable alternative was Communism, the Italian voter tolerated thecorruption and mismanagement of the status quo. Using Bull's definitions, the PDSbecame a leftist "non-communist" party; the Communist Refoundation became a"refounded" communist party. Someparties even began to question their identities and ideologies. Under the leadership of Umberto Bossi, theNorthern League has relentlessly attacked Italy's political parties for:"sheltering the corrupt and the inefficient from public scrutiny,distributing state jobs and vast amounts of revenue in return for politicalsupport, and involving organised crime in the misuse of statefunds."[xxxiv] Bossi has focused on the misuse of Northern taxes tosubsidize the corruption of the central government. Unlike its rivals, the PCI hadvirtually no support from the Italian business community. Thefourth role is that of the "vanguard of the proletariat" in joining thestruggle of the working class.[xvi] The PCF is also a conservative, Stalinist party. The Northern League issupported by small businessmen, women, professional people, the self-employed, and youth who feel saddled by an unfair political burden due tothe excesses of the South. The Eurocommunist movementreached its peak during the mid-197 s in what was considered its "goldenera." Bull cites specific reasons for the Communists' fall from glory:"Long-term socio-economic changes which had resulted in a decline in thetraditional working class (the bedrock of these parties' support) and class-related voting behavior; the rise of the 'new politics' and concomitantdecline in salience of economic issues (on which communist parties relied);the rise of the 'new right' and an 'anti-state' consensus in the 198 s(when these parties' programmes were traditionally predicated on stateintervention to restructure society); and the total discrediting of theSoviet model (the historical association with which was an indelible markon these parties' nature)."[xxi] These complex changes affected the WestEuropean parties on an electoral, organizational, social, strategic, andinternal level. The party does nottolerate dissidents and discourages open debate. Many of the PCI's rivals used the threat ofcommunism as a leverage to obtain funds. Although the DC governmenthas ruled since World War II, the collapse of the former Soviet Union hascreated cause for concern. The party considered pro-Sovietand seeks to provide a rejuvenated form of communism. According to Bull, the success of non-communist parties likethe PDS are linked to the survival of a new political movement called"social democracy."[xxxii] However, the PDS has thus far failed to attempta program of social and economic reform. Its success was party due to strong leaders. If a state-party could be overthrown in the SovietUnion, the same could happen in Italy. Related cellsare often grouped into Sections, and delegates from the cells attendSection Conferences. London: Hurst & Company,1991.Gallagher, Tom. Dissidents formed a splinter partycalled the Communist Refoundation. The PCI enjoyed the financial supportof the trade unions and the cooperative movement. "The West European Communist Movement in the Late Twentieth Century." West European Politics, 18 (January 1995): 78-97.Corbett, James. From apeak of 1.8 million members in 1977 to approximately 989, in 1991,current membership is estimated at about 8 , .[xxxi] Part of the PCI-PDS decline is due to the presence of the Communist Refoundation partywhich captured 5 seats in 1994. In reaction to these events, thePCF made Brezhnev the scapegoat and asserted that the "corruption, inertiaand repression" of the Soviet Union's system was merely a "crisis ofdevelopment" in Socialism.[xvii] The PCF initially rejected the idea thatthe 1989 Revolution meant serious changes for the international Communistmovement: "These orthodox Marxists and pro-Soviets continued to believe inthe viability of the international communist movement and the relevance ofthe communist goal, as traditionally understood."[xviii] Therefore, theCommunist party in France chose Bull's first alternative response to the1989 Soviet Union Revolution by remaining unchanged and becoming moreorthodox. The Party Congress"proclaims important changes in the party line" and is the supreme nationalbody of the PCF.[v] The supreme governing body of the PCF is the CentralCommittee. "The Regional Dimension in Italy's Political Upheaval:Role of the Northern League 1984-1993." Parliamentary Affairs, 47 (July1994): 456-468.Hornblower, Margot. Under the party's Leninist beliefs, it sees itself as a vanguardof the oppressed. The 1989 Revolution in the Soviet Union had a profound impact onCommunist parties in Western Europe. Unlike the PCF, the Communist party of Italy (PCI) underwent radicalchanges as a result of the political turmoil of the 198 s. This put the rivalpolitical parties at a severe disadvantage: "During the 198 s Italy wasthe country characterized by the highest expense for political financing,in spite of the most severe prohibitions against donations by interestgroups."[xxiii] The PCI backed government regulations that restrictedsecret political donations to the parties. Towards this end, the PCF decided to reorganize its party andeffectively drop democratic centralism after the resignation of Secretary-General Marchais in 1993. The Central Committee elects the PCF leadership consisting ofthe Bureau politique (approximately 2 members), the Secretariat (eightmembers) and the Secretary-General. Ranked above the Sections are the Federations whichmaintain offices and permanent staff. The transformation of the PCI-PDS has had a negative effect on thecommunist movement in Italy in terms of votes. Evidence of the decline of political importance of the PCF isexhibited in their performance during the past three elections. Prior to the198 s, the PCI was unique among West European countries, most of which wereovershadowed by socialist governments. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1994.Frears, John. Membership in the PCF has declined dramatically over the past severaldecades. Gorbachev's regime changed the nature of the relationship of manyWest European communist parties with Moscow. "The Italian Political Class." Government andOpposition, 28 (Summer 1993), 339-352.-----------------------Martin Bull, "The West European Communist Movement in the LateTwentieth Century," West European Politics, 18 (January 1995):9 .Ibid, 88.John Frears, Parties and Voters in France (London: Hurst &Company, 1991), 88.Ibid, 95.Ibid, 95.Bull, 84.Frears, 99.Ibid, 99.Bull, 84.Frears, 94.Margot Hornblower, "Communism a la Francaise," Time 138(September 16, 1991), 38.James Corbett, Through French Windows: An Introduction toFrance in the Nineties (Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 1994),266.Frears, 1 1.Hornblower, 38.Ibid, 39.Frears, 1 3-1 4.Ibid, 1 3.Bull, 87.Ibid, 91.Corbett, 267.Bull, 8 .Ibid, 81.Francesco Sidoti, "The Italian Political Class," Government andOpposition, 28 (Summer 1993): 341.Ibid, 342.Ibid, 345.Bull, 93.Andrew Kopkind, "Communism alla Bolognese," The Nation 253(October 21, 1991): 477.Ibid, 478.Ibid, 478.Ibid, 478.Bull, 81-84.Ibid, 95.Sidoti, 349.Tom Gallagher, "The Regional Dimension in Italy's PoliticalUpheaval: Role of the Northern League 1984-1993,"Parliamentary Affairs, 47 (July 1994): 46 .Ibid, 464.----------------------- 15 Through French Windows: An Introduction to France in theNineties. In1994, the Communists regained a portion of their political strength andgarnered 1 .5 per cent of the vote and 1 seats.[ix] As recently as 1979,the PCF was still capturing upwards of 2 per cent of the French vote. Thepeak of Communist power occured in 1946 when the party received 28.2 percent of French voter support.[x] Communist power has survived in France mainly through the activity ofthe PCF on the municipal level. They could modernize their partylines without seeming disloyal to the communist cause: "Before 1985liberalisation had gone hand in hand with detachment from Moscow; after1985 it drew on the example and support of Moscow."[ii] The Communist party in France is the Parti communiste francaise(PCF). In terms of the electorate, almost all the partiesexperienced declines in voter support. In essence, FrenchCommunism has four social roles. In the April 1992 general election the NorthernLeague garnered 8.7% of the Italian vote, mostly acquired from former DCsupporters.[xxxv] In 1992, Bossi spurned the Communist Refoundation Partyin favor of forming an alliance with the PDS. The subsequent decline of the PCIafter the late 198 s provided an impetus for campaign financing reform.During the 199 s some Italian governments began to crack down on illegalcampaign funding: "After decades of immunity, politicians quickly realizedthat a new era had begun; whereas for fifty years illegal funds had beenregarded as necessary evils in order to keep the once powerful but finallydefunct Communist Party out of government."[xxv] The Italian Communists expressed a twofold response to the 1989Soviet Union Revolution. The parties suffered intellectually because manypolitical thinkers who formerly turned to the Communists became involvedinstead with the "new right" movement. Some, like the French PCF movedto the left and became more orthodox. The othermajor force in Italian politics, the Christian Democratic party (DC) hadbeen unable to produce leaders to rival the PCI despite the face that theDC has expended considerable energy in preventing the rise of communism inItaly. ThePDS has become more moderate: "The party fashioned a new program thatremoved all vestiges of Marxism and most of democratic socialism, optinginstead for a kind of Euroliberalism that dares not push the status quo tothe left."[xxvii] Political scientists contend that this move to the rightwas foreshadowed by the PCI's endorsement of foreign policy in the Westduring the 197 s. Nowhere is the unwillingness to accept the one-party status quo moreapparent than in Italy's "Northern League" region, a part of the country'santi-centralist revolt. Among the party's other humanitarian activities are subsidizedsummer camps, outpatient clinics, and municipal retirement homes.Communists even donate money to build new churches. Support forthe Communists has declined across the board in all categories--both youngand old, men and women, and among manual laborers. In 1978, the party boasted 52 , members; this figure has sincedropped to roughly 2 , in 199 .[vi] Paris, once considered to be astronghold of Communist control, experienced the most dramatic losses. Once Communistmajorities are elected in a municipality, they control municipal servicesby allocating jobs, housing, and grants to support their party objectives. The parties suffered socialisolation from the diminished public interest in their newspapers,lectures, and meetings. It acts as a "tribune" on behalf of theworking class in assisting them to obtain better living conditions. Though lacking majority political support, the PCI was a powerfulpresence in Italy during the 198 s. Aside from Bologna, Communists maintain a political edge in"political ghettos in Emilia-Romagna and a few other central and northernareas."[xxix] The continued viability of the PDS is partly due to the shakyfoundation of support for Christian Democrats. Internalfactions within the parties themselves created dissent and strife. The future of the PDS depends on several factors. Theparty also acts in a political role in assuming control of municipalgovernment. Reformed communistparties such as the Refoundation party stand a good chance of survivaldepending on the composition of the political environment. The primary organizingunit of the PCF is the "cell." The preferred method of joining the partyis at a workplace cell since the PCF sees itself as "the spearhead of theclass struggle and in the front line of militant action at work."[iv]Cells are where the local party activities are conducted. Parties and Voters in France. The PCI captured 27 governments seats in 1984, 22 seats in 1989,and 16 seats in 1994. "Communism alla Bolognese." The Nation, 253 (October 21,1991): 477-48 .Sidoti, Francesco. However, socialized subsidies for health, economicdevelopment, housing, and education still enjoy greater popularity than inthe United States while farming, worker, and consumer cooperatives stillthrive. Communists control 37 out of 123 town halls inthese industrial suburbs.[xiii] A typical Communist stronghold is the city of Bobigny. They offer assistance tothe unemployed, to those facing eviction, and to those living in low-incomehousing. According toBull: "In the short to medium term, the success of Western communistparties will probably depend less on their ability to 'refound' communismthan on the nature of domestic political competition, the strength andimage of the existing socialist parties and the relationship the communistparties have with them."[xxvi] The PCI-PDS transformation became a non-communist party of the left.Symbolic of this move toward non-communism was the abandonment of itsformer hammer-and-cycle logo and its replacement with a stylized tree. Potentialfragmentation of the power base of the DC works in favor of the PDS to makea breakthrough entry into Italian government. In a national convention in 199 , the PCI becamethe PDS (Democratic Party of the Left). In 1987 the Italian partyhad 26.6 per cent of the Italian vote, by 1992 that percentage had dwindledto 16.6. There is apossibility that it can form a coalition with the Socialists and form aunified left. The PCF maintains thatthe merits of the Socialist system are apparent by the decadence, crime,and financial decay of the West. If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again: Search for: or Click here to request an essay written just for you.