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Essay Subject: Causes & consequences of rising against Queen Elizabeth's govt. to restore Catholicism. Background, politics, foreign involvement, leaders, reasons for failure.... More...

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Paper Abstract: Causes & consequences of rising against Queen Elizabeth's govt. to restore Catholicism. Background, politics, foreign involvement, leaders, reasons for failure. Paper Introduction: In the fall of 1569, a rebellion broke out in the North of England against the government of Queen Elizabeth I. The original intention of the active leaders of the rising, the Earl of Northumberland and Westmorland, and of the potential leader (who in the event did not actually participate), the Duke of Norfolk, were obscure, unclear, and perhaps ultimately contradictory. In the event, however, the rising of the North took a markedly religious coloration. On November 14, 1569, the rebel force entered the city of Durham. Proceed to the city cathedral, they burned the Anglican Book of Common Prayer and other Protestant books, and celebrated the Catholic Mass there, the first time since the end of the reign of Bloody Mary and the Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. Farcical though it was in many ways--save for its victims--the risingof 1569 was truly the end of an era. His forces were neithernumerous nor reliable. The proclamation as a whole was thoroughly northern in tone, with itsemphasis upon Catholicism and the nobility. But others beat the bush, and they have the birds.[26] In one sense, the rising of 1569 can be taken as the last gasp oftraditional, pre-Reformation Catholic sentiment in England. Inthe reign of Henry VIII, the Pilgrimage of Grace, the first great Catholicuprising against the de-Catholicization of England, had also found itsprincipal base of support in the North.[6] The sources of this religiousrestiveness are not entirely clear. Any revolt would now have to go forward without him. In a broader sense, however, the rising of 1569 and the Armada couldnot have coincided in time, because they embodied two distinct stages inthe development of the Reformation in England and its relationship to thebroader European religious struggle. Indeed, Spanish money andpromises of foreign Catholic intervention played a part in encouraging theplotters to rise--though in the event, the Spanish had written off therising before it occured, and offered it no support. However, most of England was still, and would longthereafter remain, a rural society in which local life was relativelylittle-influenced by new currents of thought coming out of London or theContinent. The rising of 1569 was the last of these. This was particularly so,to the English, if Mary were wed to an English noble, and not (as hernamesake and Elizabeth's predecessor had been) to a foreign prince. The royal fleetretook Hartlepool, cutting off the possibility of support from Spain (whichwas not forthcoming in any case). The Reign of Elizabeth: 1558-16 3. When Catholicism did re-emergeas a force in England, during the next two decades, it was a Catholicismwith a very different face, a Catholicism looking not back to Marian ormedieval times, but outward to the Counter Reformation. Liberation of those nobles who are in prison. In any case, theresult was the imposition of a Spanish embargo against England, and mutualsiezures of ships and property. London: J. Thiswas the more so since a married Queen, expected to be herself ruled by herhusband, was more acceptable to sixteenth-century male eyes than theplainly female rule of an unmarried Elizabeth. Nor, finally, had the religious battle lines in Europe yet beendrawn as sharply as they soon would be. Her advisors, including Cecil, were largely against thismove. 2nd. One precondition to a marriage between Norfolk and Mary wasabsolutely necessary, however: Elizabeth's consent. The conspirators included the Duke ofNorfolk and the Earls of Arundel, Northumberland, Westmorland, Pembroke,and Leicester.[1 ] Their motivations varied widely. When the main body of the army arrived, there was nothing for it todo but engage in a mopping-up operation, and in an (unnecessary) ravagingof the north. Mr. Secretary Cecil and Queen Elizabeth. Black, The Reign of Elizabeth: 1558-16 3 (Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1959), 1 5. Perhaps in fact he was sick. Westmorland had no intention of obeying the summons. McKee, tr. Meanwhile, events went forward in the North. England and the Catholic Church under QueenElizabeth. A further factor was that thenew Spanish ambassador, Guerau de Spes, was much more a hardliner than hispredecessors; he eagerly began to involve himself in conspiratorialactivities aimed at Elizabeth's rule. Cecil for his part seemeddetermined to downplay the matter, and readily accepted Norfolk'sapologies. The serious decline of Anglo-Spanishrelations that led to the cold war, fighting "beyond the line," andultimately the Armada, began at this point. [2 ]Read, 457. If we do not this of ourselves we risk to be made Protestants by force which would be a sore danger to our State and to our country to which we belong. In this wise they have done injury to the Queen and thrown the realm into disorder. Onlywith the failure of the rising of 1569 and the final decline oftraditionalist Catholicism in England would that be the case. [8]Ibid., 1 4-1 5. There was nothing in itcalculated to inspire support for the rebels in the heartland ofElizabethan England. At this point we may return to a speculative point raised at thebeginning of this study: what might have been the outcome had the unrestthat led to the rising of 1569 and the dispatching of the Spanish Armadacoincided in time, rather than being separated by nearly two decades?Would the Elizabethan government, threatened at once from within andwithout, have been able to marshall and co-ordinate the resources needed towithstand such a two-front attack? [28]Ibid., 111.----------------------- 23 Second series:Being a further selection from the Fugger papers specially referring toQueen Elizabeth and matters relating to England during the years 1568-16 5,here published for the first time (London: J. The North was clearly a remote andrather undeveloped part of England through the Tudor era. Series: Being afurther selection from the Fugger papers specially referring to QueenElizabeth and matters relating to England during the years 1568-16 5,here published for the first time. The domestic religiousquestion became less one of Catholic versus Protestant than--foreshadowingthe next century--Anglican versus Puritan. It would not be until, inCounter-Reformation Catholic eyes, no other alternative remained. Rev. J. In the years immediately after 1569, indeed, the English Reformationseemed more securely established than ever before. He was a great lord in the old manner, who "when he was in histennis court at Norwich he thought himself in a manner equal with somekings."[14] He also was--as the events of 1569 demonstrated all too well--a weak and indecisive man, and Elizabeth, an excellent judge of character,probably knew this well. Thus the summons went out to the Earls of Northumberland andWestmorland. As noted earlier, they and their followers were products ofthe lingering traditional feudalism of the North of England.Northumberland was a Percy and Westmorland a Neville; that is to say, theformer came of the family that had produced Hotspur of Shakespearean fame,while the latter came of the family that had produced Richard III. [18]Ibid. Therefore we have joined together to resist, not only of our own resources but rather with the help of God and of the people. De Spes thought he had gone to raise the standard of revolt, and Mary counselled him to be bold. [16]Ibid., 1 6. A report by a royal commander at York stated that Thre be not in all this country ten gentlemen that do favour and allow of her Majesty's proceedings in the cause of religion, and the common people be ignorant, full of superstition and altogether blinded with the old popish doctrine ... Lane, 1926), 6. In a sense, indeed, the rising of 1569 and related events, such asNorfolk's plotting regarding Mary Queen of Scots, can be seen as the lasttrace of medievalism in England. The removal of three of the Queen's Councillors. One began with the return of Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, to herown kingdom several years previously, and proceeded through the collapse ofher rule in Scotland, her exile to and imprisonment in England, and heremergence as a figurehead around which Catholic opposition to Elizabeth andher policies could coalesce. He was cast into that role, however, not primarily by religion, oreven by the supposed charms of Mary Queen of Scots--whom Norfolk had nevermet when he discussed marriage to her, and whom in fact he never did meet--but primarily, it would appear, by the jockeying for influence by rivalgroups of courtiers in the Elizabethan court. [17]Johnson, 175. The conspirators were forced tobeg her forgiveness, which she granted. Some, particularlyNorthumberland and Westmorland, may have been seeking to reassert thestanding of the old nobility as against the "new men" as embodied in Cecil--and, in the process, establish a more pro-Catholic tilt to the Council. Sussex and Cecil agreed that a small, fast-movingforce would be more useful than a larger but slow-moving army; Sussexthought it would be sufficient to have a thousand horse, five hundredpikemen, and five hundred arquebusiers--and five hundred horse would do, ifonly they arrived soon enough.[24] In the meanwhile, the rebels took the cathedral city of Durham, andthere celebrated the Mass noted earlier. In so far asCatholicism embodied an attachment to traditional ways and socialrelationships, as it evidently did in the 1569 rising, it was thereafter adead force. B. Delay, and a potential stand-off, might also increase the risk of foreign intervention. The response ofNorthumberland was more in doubt. In 1569, the Marian restoration ofCatholicism was little more than a decade in the past. Elizabeth and Cecilthereupon carried out a peculiar form of siezure: they took the money as aloan to Elizabeth. [4]Ridley, 169-7 . But instead of callingup his retainers on his own extensive lands and preparing to go forwardwith a challenge, he remained passively on his estates. Papers foundaboard the ships indicated, however, that the loan was not technicallyexecuted until the money reached its destination; aboard the ships inPlymouth, it still legally belonged to the Genoese. 3. One recent political biography ofElizabeth I, for example, Elizabeth I: The Shrewdness of Virtue, by JasperRidley, devotes less than one full page to the event.[4] The intent ofthis present study is not to offer a more detailed account of the events ofthe rising and its suppression, but rather to inquire into the causes ofits failure though an examination of the actions, motivations, andcharacters of the principle players in the rising and the events thatsurrounded it; and to draw from that discussion some picture of the placeof the rising and its failure in Elizabethan history. Norfolk might have been found all the safer a choice because he hadthe previous reputation of being above the rivalries within the Englishcourt. On the one hand, the marriage of the Queen of Scots, with a claim tothe English throne considered valid by many, to the highest of Englishnobles, could constitute an implicit challenge to Elizabeth's rule. These two men had already gathered a force of their retainersabout them. Throughout, Lady Northumberland actedwith more decisiveness (if no more wisdom) than her husband, so that it wassaid afterward that "the grey mare is the better horse."[2 ] With the two earls now in open revolt, Sussex for his part foundhimself forced into an entirely defensive posture. [19]Black, 1 6. In the early years of Elizabeth'sreign, it had still seemed plausible that England and Spain could resumetheir traditional alliance against France. (TheEssex rising at the end of the century was rather an abortive palace coup;note that it took place in London.) When civil strife again broke out inEngland, in the next century, it would be in an entirely differentpolitical and social context. R. Elizabeth I: The Shrewdness of Virtue. Lane, 1926.Meyer, Arnold Oskar. 2. In any case, this force was actually not very large, though largeenough to overawe the small and unreliable body Sussex had available in thenorth to challenge them. [21]Johnson, 176. [27]Arnold Oskar Meyer, England and the Catholic Church under QueenElizabeth, Rev. J. Yet it was largely in the North, in Henrician times and stillin 1569--as shown by the Mass said in Durham Cathedral--that Catholicismpersisted as a symbol around which political challenges took form. Nor,indeed, was Elizabeth herself yet seen abroad as an inalterably Protestantfigure; she had discussed, and would continue to discuss, Catholicmarriages. 4. From the time of William the Conquerorthrough the War of the Roses, and on into earlier Tudor times, rebellionsagainst the crown had frequently been associated with great noblemen andtheir personal followings. [13]Ibid., 446ff. The identity of the three councillors to be removed is notcertain, though Cecil was obviously one of them. Elizabeth orderedhim back to Court, and Norfolk demurred, claiming that he was too sick tomove. [11]Ibid., 443. The Duke of Norfolk, as we shall see, played nodirect part in the rising in 1569, though he was in a sense its naturalleader. If it was farcical, this was perhapsbecause its leaders embodied forces and values which were no longer viablein mid-Elizabethan England. Knopf, 1961.Ridley, Jasper. Above all in these latter days have they attempted and encompassed the destruction of the nobility. [25]Victor Klarwill, ed., The Fugger News-Letters. [24]Johnson, 176. The chief demands of these Lords are as follows: 1. The Northern rising of 1569 was a single dramatic episode in asequence of events that proceeded along several distinct but intertwiningthreads. In the late158 s, Catholicism in England in many respects showed far more vitalitythan it had two decades earlier. [9]Read, 432. Elizabeth has a reputation for having sought whenever possible toresolve crises through delay; even for indecisiveness. On November 14, 1569, the rebel force entered thecity of Durham. But the new Catholicism was not aCatholicism of countryfolk following their traditional leaders to celebrateMass at Durham Cathedral. This must remain a matterof speculation, but the political outcome was clear enough. Nor, in fact, did it seem to inspire truly passionatesupport even in the North, or else Northumberland and Westmorland wereincapable of mobilizing such support and keeping it. Given his indecisive character, itseems entirely possible that, once he left Court, he fell into a state ofemotional panic, afraid either to go forward or back, and that his anxietyand despair in turn led to a physical collapse. The Fugger News-Letters. As for the rising itself, it effectivelycollapsed on its own before government forces ever arrived to put it down.The leaders of 1569 were plainly not the sort of men who could have turnedthe balance in 1588. Norfolk wroteto his fellow-conspirators, seeking to persuade them to abandon plans forrevolt.[16] He eventually acceded to the Queen's demand and went back toLondon, whereupon he was arrested and cast into the Tower. (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1967; orig.pub. A marriage between the highest of English nobles and theQueen of Scots was obviously a touchy question in the extreme, but it wasnot absolutely a foregone conclusion that Elizabeth would oppose it. [5]Conyers Read, Mr. Secretary Cecil and Queen Elizabeth (New York:Alfred A. Instead, onSeptember 21 of 1569, he abruptly left Court and retired to his estates. 1915), 94. BibliographyBlack, John B. [6]John B. Nevertheless, Mary's presence in England did not immediatelyor directly lead to a crisis. Indeed, a French source identified Leicester asthe prime mover behind the conspiracy.[11] (De Spes, curiously, hadnothing at all to say about it.) Norfolk's motivations are more obscure.As the only duke in England he was the natural leader of the traditionalaristocracy, yet he had in the past been aligned with Cecil; and indeed atthis time he was relying on Cecil's support in a legal dispute with LordDacre.[12] In any case, the attempted politburo coup failed. [15]Black, 1 5. Elizabeth I. Knopf, 1961), 432. This internal divisionwithin the English court divided, broadly speaking, the supporters ofElizabeth's secretary, Robert Cecil, Lord Burghley, from those of herfavorite, Robert Dudley, later Earl of Leicester. All know how that we in common with other people both of the nobility and also of all other ranks who are of the true faith have striven for the prosperity of this good cause, while certain wicked and designing men of the retinue of the Queen by their crafty and malicious wiles have grown great and mighty and have persecuted within this realm the true Catholic religion of God. R. The money had been loaned to Philip of Spain by Genoesebankers, for use in paying his army in the Netherlands. New York: Barnes & Noble, 1967(orig. The first trigger of the events that led to the rising took place in1558, at the other end of England, when several Spanish ships took shelterfrom pirates in Plymouth. [1 ]Ibid., 441-42. In spite of the irregular nature of this transaction,there was no trouble from the Genoese; her credit was better than Philip's,and the bankers were perfectly happy to assign the loan to her.[9] Apart from the need for the money, Elizabeth and Cecil may have beenmotivated in part by word of the incident at San Juan de Ulloa in theIndies, where John Hawkins' third "troublesome" expedition (which includedsome Queen's ships) had been set upon by the Spanish. His reasons for doing so areobscure.[2] In the wake of the failed rising, some hundreds of executionswere carried out, mainly upon people of "low estate" who had been swept upin the rebellion. Had it taken placenineteen years later, or had the Spanish Armada arrived nineteen yearsearlier, the co-ordination of internal and external threats might haveproven insoluble for the Elizabethan regime, which was absolutist in itsideology but quite limited in its actual means. [7]Ibid., 1 3-1 4. There heremained through the crisis that followed; then, upon his release, heresumed the intrigues with Mary that eventually led him to the scaffold. Apart from politicalconcerns, Elizabeth's notorious touchiness about marriage in generalpromised a difficult sell, but Norfolk never availed himself of the severalopportunities that Cecil offered him to make the attempt. Meanwhile, the scheme for a marriage between Norfolk and Mary wasgathering momentum.[13] Cecil played a complex double game in this matter,giving advice to Norfolk--notably, advising him on several occasions toseek the permission of the Queen--while keeping Elizabeth herself apprisedof developments. [3]Ibid., 177-78. In the fall of 1569, a rebellion broke out in the North of Englandagainst the government of Queen Elizabeth I. At this point,if not before, de Spes and Alva must have washed their hands of thesituation entirely. This dispute perhaps lies behind Dacre's later--andmuch belated--decision to throw in his lot with the northern rebels. Out of these three tangled threads emerged the crisis that erupted inthe fall of 1568. The cult of Elizabeth had notyet emerged, and her position on the throne could not be regarded asentirely solid, while as the rising itself showed, traditionalist Catholicsentiment was by no means dead, at least in some parts of England. New York: Alfred A. She burst indramatically upon the Council as it was in the process of humiliatingCecil, and bade him return to his place. The second state in the developing crisis took place withinElizabeth's Privy Council. Proceed to the city cathedral, they burned the AnglicanBook of Common Prayer and other Protestant books, and celebrated theCatholic Mass there, the first time since the end of the reign of BloodyMary and the accession of Elizabeth that a public Mass had been said inEngland.[1] The rising proved to be the last effort to restore EnglishCatholicism from within by mass force, and it soon failed utterly. [22]Black, 1 7. Therebels rode south to Tutbury, where Mary Queen of Scots was reported to beheld, but she was moved further south to Coventry well before they arrived. New York: Viking,1987.----------------------- [1]Jasper Ridley, Elizabeth I: The Shrewdness of Virtue (New York:Viking, 1987), 169. Before proceeding to examine the complex motivations andtangled interactions of these major players, however, it may be useful toremark briefly on the background situation as it had developed by the late156 s. Within a few weeks most of the rebel army had melted away, and it nevercame to blows with the royal force sent to quell it. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston,1974.Klarwill, Victor, ed. [14]Johnson, 172-73. It was predominantly, and would remain, amovement among the gentry and even more the high nobility (partly, to besure, because these were the classes with the most means to hide priests intheir houses or take other protective measures). In late February, an effort was made by anumber of councillors to cast down Cecil by means of a sort of politburocoup, very similar in character to that which had led to the fall of ThomasCromwell in the reign of Henry VIII. A third thread in the crisis of 1569 related to court politics withinthe Elizabethan court. Lord Hunsdon later bitterly complained that If the Earl of Sussex had not been where he was neither York nor Yorkshire would have been at [Elizabeth's] discretion, and then the lusty southern army would have not returned laden with such spoils, nor put their noses over Doncaster Bridge. If attachment to Catholicism was part of a general attachment totraditional ways, it should have had much the same strength in most partsof England. Thereasons for this distinctiveness of the North remain unclear, but it nodoubt that it existed; the North was in effect a Catholic country.[8] It was of course to the North that Mary Queen of Scots had come whenshe fled Scotland, and she commanded broad sentiment and support there--asindeed she then still did throughout England; even many Protestantsregarded her as having a strong claim to the throne, or at any rate to thesuccession. But the duke was a coward.[15] In leaving Court at this delicate moment, Norfolk was in factvirtually throwing down the gauntlet to Elizabeth. Through Elizabethan times, when men in England spoke of theircountry, they were more likely to mean their native shire than England as awhole. Even if, as they believed, most of the English peoplewere still Catholic in sentiment and potentially ready to rise againstElizabeth and the Protestant ascendency, a general revolt requiredleadership, and suitable leaders were plainly not at hand. if the father be on this side, the son is on the other, and one brother with us, the other with the rebels.[21]Sussex himself reported that "except it be a few protestants and some wellaffected to me, every man seeks to bring as small a force as he can ofhorsemen, and the footmen find fault with the weather and beside speak verybroadly."[22] The rebels thus had a nearly free hand to move through the North.They took Hartlepool, to secure a port for the fleet that the Duke of Alvawas expected to send to their support--though in fact, by this time, Alvahad no intention whatever of sending such a force. Release of nobles fromprison clearly meant most of all Norfolk, as well as Arundel and some otherCatholic-leaning nobles who had been arrested, as it were for safekeeping. [23]Ibid., 1 9. Aless suitable instrument for the destruction of Cecil and Elizabeth couldscarcely be imagined. The narrow answer may be that the leadership of the rising of 1569was too incompetent to have posed a serious threat to the Elizabethansystem, even had it had a Spanish fleet and army to look for in support.Norfolk, as we have seen, showed something of a genius for maladroitnessand bad timing, on the one hand failing to lend his weight to therebellion, a weight that might have greatly complicated attempts to quellit, and perhaps caused it to spread beyond the north; on the other handunable to resist the dealings with Mary Queen of Scots that eventuallybrought him to the scaffold. In this case,however, she chose to bring matters to a head, and firmly instructed Sussexto follow through with the summons to the two earls. In retrospect itmay seem to have been foredoomed, but few Catholics in Spain or elsewherehad reason in the late 156 s to suppose so. Black writes], the rebel- lion should have begun when Norfolk, disappointed of hispurpose, left the court in high dudgeon in September ... Because of the lack of effective foreign support, and on account ofits swift collapse, the rising of 1569 has been largely relegated to aminor part in Elizabethan history. The total number of martyrdoms of priests and other Catholics at the handsof Elizabethan authorities in the 158 s and subsequently was probably lessthan half the number of killings in the wake of the rising of 1569, butthey had much more the character of a specifically religious repression.They were also, in terms at any rate of realpolitik, more justified, in thesense that Catholic activism was more more closely linked with foreigninterests than had been the case in the 156 s. Armada-like plans had already been discussed in some Spanish circles,but the time for an Armada was not yet ripe. The major foreground players may be identified as theQueen herself, Cecil, Leicester, the Duke of Norfolk, the Earls ofNorthumberland and Westmorland, Gereau de Spes, the Spanish Ambassador toEngland, and (in an almost purely passive role) Mary Queen of Scots. We will essay to find a remedy against every disorder by restoring for all time the ancient freedom of the Church of God and of the realm. Leicester, however, was a "new man" himself; in his case, themotivation was surely his rivalry with Cecil for paramount personalinfluence over the Queen. In the event, however, the rising of the North took a markedlyreligious coloration. They also issued a proclamation: We, Thomas Earl of Northumberland and Charles Earl of Westmorland, most loyal Vassals of Her Majesty, to all true believers in the ancient Catholic Church. [2]Paul Johnson, Elizabeth I (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston,1974), 176-77. They wasted severaldays taking Bernard Castle, held by Sir George Bowes.[23] This wascertainly a grave error if, as the general line of their march indicates,their ultimate intention was to rescue Mary Queen of Scots; their delaysafforded the royal authorities ample time to move her further south, beyondthe reach of the rebel force. [26]Johnson, 178. Quasi-medieval conditions of life, including semifeudal socialrelations, appear to have persisted there after they had faded in the morecentral portions of England, and in large measure the Northern Rising of1569 would be a matter of a gentry and populace flocking to the standardsof their ancient and traditional leaders.[7] Certainly the north was remote from the urban influences and urbangroups among whom Protestant sympathies first emerged, and among whom theywere most pronounced. Henry VIII hadseldom gone there during his progresses, and Elizabeth never did during anyof hers. The English seminary at Douai was established in 1568, as though inforeknowledge that the restoration of English Catholicism could not beworked within England alone.[27] In 1579 it was taken over by theJesuits.[28] By the 158 s, Jesuits and other missionary priests, trainedabroad, were slipping into England to seek to re-establish Catholicismthrough what may in modern terms be called covert means. Another began with the appearance of severalSpanish treasure ships in southern English harbors, the siezure of theircargoes by the English government, and the sharp deterioration of English-Spanish relations that took place in the late 156 s.[5] These two threads would converge again, nearly two decades later, andin a far more consequential way, when Elizabeth finally had Mary put todeath at Fotheringhat in 1587, and the Spanish Armada appeared off theEnglish coast the next year. By that time, and in part due to the failureof the 1569 rising, the religious situation in England had changeddramatically; English Catholicism was by then no longer a holdover from thepast, but virtually a new force, intimately associated with theinternational Counter Reformation. McKee, trans. Strictly speaking [as J. The original intention of theactive leaders of the rising, the Earl of Northumberland and Westmorland,and of the potential leader (who in the event did not actuallyparticipate), the Duke of Norfolk, were obscure, unclear, and perhapsultimately contradictory. The new Catholicism was also, again in modern terms, a much moremarkedly subversive force, intimately linked as it was with theinternational Counter Reformation and specifically with the power of Spain. Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1959.Johnson, Paul. Bothfamilies had been mighty in the land at a time when Jasper Tudor was anobscure Welch knight. Widespread, publicCatholic agitation faded, never again to re-emerge. Risings in the North were not a new challenge in the Tudor era. pub. For that reason,Elizabeth had earlier offered none other than Leicester to Mary, though inthis case Elizabeth no doubt had reasons to put special confidence inLeicester's reliability (and the offer may not have been serious in anycase). And as the royal levies approached fromthe south, Northumberland and Westmorland fled instead of trying to make astand. As a member of the Council of the North, Sir Thomas Gargrave, wroteto Cecil, it was best "to nourish quiet until the winter, when the nightsare longer, the ways worse, and the waters begin to slip their passage.[17] In other words, to let the unrest in the north die a quiet death. She may have feltthat further delay now could only run the risk of a general unravelling.She had raised a large army in the south, and to keep a sixteenth-centuryarmy, made up essentially of lords and gentry and their retainers, was bothcostly and risky.[18] Many of the forces raised in defense of the crownwere not themselves entirely reliable--this was particularly the case withthe forces Sussex called up in the north. For these reprisals Elizabeth has been taken harshly totask by some modern historians, though it is not clear that those whocarried them out were actually following her orders.[3] The Northern rising of 1569 was the last domestic revolt of the Tudorera, and the only one during the reign of Elizabeth. The true and ancient religion. [12]Ibid., 445. Aboard them was a treasury of some eightythousand pounds, equal to about a third of what Elizabeth could then raisefrom a Parliament. Recall of the former Councillors and a General Amnesty.[25] No mention is made in this proclamation of Mary Queen of Scots, whichthe rebel leaders perhaps felt was too open a threat to depose Elizabethentirely; the tone of the rest of the proclamation suggests not heroverthrow but her safe subjection to a Council dominated by Catholicnobles. Inthe background were Philip II of Spain and his viceroy in the Netherlands,the Duke of Alva. The only pitchedbattle of the campaign, fought by the river Cleth the following February,pitted the Queen's forces not against the original rebels, but a cavalryforce headed by Lord Dacre -- who had originally gone north as part of thebody raised to put down the rising. On the other hand, the marriage of the Scots queen to a reliablyloyal English lord--as Norfolk had previously been judged to be--could bejudged a "safe" outcome, cutting off the avenues of foreign influence overthe succession in England, and over Scotland as well. He later claimed that he was intimidatedby Westmorland, who "threatened him with daggs," and declared that "if yewill not cast yourself away, ye shall not cast us."[19] He was alsoevidently pressured by his wife, who gave him misleading reports that therebellion was already in progress. Cecil had obtainedintelligence of the move, and a young Elizabeth proved to be a verydifferent sort of ruler than an ageing Henry VIII had been. 1915).Read, Conyers. In some respects theywere precipitated by Elizabeth herself, when she gave orders to the Earl ofSussex, the Lord President of the Council of the North, to command theearls of Northumberland and Westmorland to present themselves before himand his council. All future efforts to rescue Mary Queen of Scots, for example,would henceforth take a conspiratorial character; there were no furtherforces riding at the gallop to rescue her. Thus, many of the seeds of 1586-88 wereplanted, albeit indirectly, by the events of 1569. If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again: Search for: or Click here to request an essay written just for you.