HINDUISM & INDIAN POLITICS.   Term Paper ID:20041 Click to get this paper

Essay Subject: Impact of religion on elections, caste issues, relations with Buddhists.... More...

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Paper Abstract: Impact of religion on elections, caste issues, relations with Buddhists. Paper Introduction: The purpose of this research is to discuss the impact of popular Hinduism on Indian politics. This phenomenon has occurred despite the fact that India was founded on secular principles. One hundred years ago, Hinduism had little meaning on a national scale since there were many sects and they were generally mutually hostile to each other. But in 1989, thousands of Hindus set off on pilgrimages--each person carrying a single brick--to help build a temple in Ayodhya, in northern India, as homage to the legendary sage-king Rama at the site of his birthplace. The only problem was that the site was occupied by a 16th century Islamic mosque. That a mosque stood on the site of a Hindu holy place has come to symbolize the division between Hindus and Muslims in Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. In May, 1992,on the anniversary of Buddha's enlightenment, over 1, Buddhists crowdedinto the temple chambers and harassed the Hindu priests at the temple inBodhi Gaya. Indeed, many thinkthat Gautama Buddha has been simply added to the pantheon of Hindu gods. If not, another Hinduofficial would be deputized. Now, the Congress Party fears it is being trapped into arepeat performance.[3] One group in the Congress Party, lead by Arjun Singh (who is thelikely successor to the prime minister, Narasimha Rao) thinks that Congressmust act firmly at Ayodhya or lose the votes of Muslims and moderateHindus. One hundred years ago, Hinduism had little meaning on a nationalscale since there were many sects and they were generally mutually hostileto each other.[1] But in 1989, thousands of Hindus set off on pilgrimages--each person carrying a single brick--to help build a temple in Ayodhya, innorthern India, as homage to the legendary sage-king Rama at the site ofhis birthplace. Like the Hindu-Muslim dispute at Ayodhya, a similarsituation at Bodhi Gaya is threatening to erupt into crisis. [7]"The Reincarnation of Caste: It Is a Socio-religious Curiosity, ItBaffles Outsiders, But Still it broods Over India: A Powerful SurvivalFrom An Earlier World," Economist 8 June 1991, 21. From itsoutset, syndicated Hinduism was a phenomenon more political than religious. [9]Ibid. [5]John Stratton Hawley, "Naming Hinduism," Wilson Quarterly 15(Summer 1991): 2 -21. In another village, the huts of 4 families of untouchables wereburnt by gangs working for the local landowning caste, because they weredemanding the legal minimum wage of 16 rupees or 78 cents a day.[8] Since India won its independence in 1947, India has changed in manydesirable ways. EachHindu decides for himself which manifestations of God are most important tohim, what scriptures to accept as authentic, and which holy men to follow.The one unchangeable fact is each person's dharma, and that being born intoa high caste is not by accident but a reward for virtue in an earlierlife.[9] Many Indians in low castes, tired of discrimination, have forsakenHinduism.[1 ] Some even enter Buddhist monasteries. "A Hindu-Buddhist Row." Far Eastern Economic Review,2 August 1992, 28-29."The Reincarnation of Caste: It is a Socio-religious Curiosity, ItBaffles Outsiders, but Still It Broods Over India: A Powerful SurvivorFrom an Earlier World." Economist, 8 June 1991, 21-24.----------------------- [1]Prasenjit Duara, "The New Politics of Hinduism," Wilson Quarterly15 (Summer 1991): 42. The urban riots led by theprivileged upper-caste youths died down. The VHP reacted against this, causing the stategovernment to declare that it would not forcibly try to stop theconstruction.[2] Some within the BJP party wanted the construction to halt, since theywould like the party to have a responsible image--which surely included arespect for court orders. [3]Ibid. In 1992, the local high court in the state of Uttar Pradesh, whichhad jurisdiction over Ayodhya, ordered a stay on all building until oldlegal disputes over the mosque were resolved. One young man in particular, who was a member of the Brahmin caste--the elite of India--became so despondent that he set fire to himself.While he survived, his self-immolation set off a blaze of caste violenceacross India. This Hindu presence has triggered off a fierce backlash fromfollowers of Buddhism. Behind all this is the sanction ofthe Hindu religion--which is far more unstructured than most otherreligions. [11]"Brotherly Love: India," Economist, 15 August 1992, 26. The purpose of this research is to discuss the impact of popularHinduism on Indian politics. But even manyconverts find it hard to escape the bonds of Hinduism--or their casteidentity, even though Hinduism and Buddhism share certain key beliefs, suchas reincarnation and spiritual betterment over a series of lifetimes, andthe idea of mukti, or release from the material world. [8]Ibid. In practice, both communities have had to acceptsome decisions they disagreed with--but Buddhists allege that the templemanagement committee has been corrupted: funds misappropriated, branchesof the tree of enlightenment chopped up and sold as souvenirs, and secretmeetings held with Hindu extremists. It can now feed itself and its industrial output is theworld's ninth biggest. Bibliography"Brotherly Love." Economist, 15 August 1992, 26.Duara, Prasenjit. That a mosque stood on the site of a Hindu holy place has come tosymbolize the division between Hindus and Muslims in India. One heard of the"hoodly habits and observances of Hindooism" in a Bengali-English grammarwritten in 1829, and the Reverend William Tennant had spoken of "the Hindoosystem" in a book on Indian manners and history written at the beginning ofthe century. The developments at Ayodhya represent the latest episode in thecentury-long emergence of a national or "syndicated" Hinduism. In 1949, Indian authorities passed through the Bihar state assembly anew Bodhi Gaya Temple Management Act, which imposed more even control undera committee comprising an equal number of Hindus and Buddhists. The one thing that is still largely unchanged isthat only a handful of Indians think that everyone is equal. This latest event signaled a new phase in Indian affairs--theinjection of caste politics. For the greatmajority, the rules, rewards and punishments of social life were set in thepast and cannot be changed--and this idea that some are more equal thanothers--the fundamental principle of caste--remains central to their lives. For instance, in one village, villagers hanged and then threw on to a firea girl and two boys, after the boys had been tortured. The state is governed by theHindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which was swept to power onthe promise of its construction plans. This left Buddhists thinking that the controltilted toward the Hindus. According to these scholars, the question is not "who is aHindu," it is "what does a Hindu do." Frykenberg tried to expose thefutility of defining a Hindu by asking whether the participation of Muslimsor Christians at Hindu temples and festivals "makes them Hindus." Whatthese two researchers found was that people at these events performed ritesbecause their ancestors did or because it is the custom, and not because itfulfilled some doctrine or teaching. Since many Buddhists in India were recentconverts who under Hinduism had belonged to the untouchable groups--a groupdiscriminated against by higher caste Hindus--the anti-Hindu feeling wasstrong. The lowest are the people such as barbers and washermen, who have todeal with the by-products of people. Being in a high caste, however, does not necessarily give greatriches. The Congress Party government was divided about this issue. Rao kept his options open on this matter, but sent paramilitaryforces into Ayodhya anyway. However, this rising political force--Hinduism--is taking on a religious tone, regardless of whether the averagecitizen is caught up with its doctrines. But to many Buddhists, the presence of the Hindus is offensive.According to the Buddhists, the Hindus not only worship their idols butthey try to make the Lord Buddha into a 9th century reincarnation of LordVishnu. Interventions came from Buddhist associations in Japan,Burma, and Thailand early this century. Later that year, the Singh government fell in November and India'sSupreme Court began to hear petitions questioning the legality of itsproposed job reservations for the lower castes. [4]Alf Hiltebeitel, "Of Camphor and Coconuts," Wilson Quarterly 15(Summer 1991): 26. "Of Camphor and Coconuts." Wilson Quarterly 15(Summer 1991): 26-26.Hawley, John Stratton. More young people set themselves on fire as well. It started around 186 when the king of Burmasent monks to serve at the temple. "Naming Hinduism." Wilson Quarterly 15 (Summer1991): 2 -33."Hinduism and the Fate of India." Wilson Quarterly 15 (Summer 1991):2 ."Holy Places, Unholy Politics." Economist, 25 July 1991, 36.McDonald, Hamish. The girl, from the powerful Jat caste, hadtried to elope with one of the boys, assisted by his friend; both wereuntouchables, a group considered so low they are not even considered acaste. [2]"Holy Places, Unholy Politics," Economist, 25 July 1992, 36. Some Hindu notables, such as thepoet Rabindranath Tagore, lent support. [1 ]Hamish McDonald, "A Hindu-Buddhist Row," Far Eastern EconomicReview," 2 August 1992, 28. Only a day before he was assassinated, Rajiv Gandhiwarned that if India's Hindu nationalists triumphed at the polls it wouldspell disaster. And because this new politicalforce is primarily religious, India is in danger of being taken over byreligious fundamentalism.[6] Another problem complicating the rise of a nationalistic Hinduismtoday is the caste system--and there is no clearcut solution for thedifficulties it causes. Most ofits members advised against precipitate action, since calling in the policeagainst Hindu activists in 199 was responsible for enhancing the BJP'spolitical appeal. Yet it was not until the inexpensive handbook Hinduism waspublished by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge in 1877, thatthe term came into general English usage.[5] Two prominent scholars, Wilfred Cantewell Smith and Robert E.Frykenberg were instrumental in establishing the idea that it was not justthe history of hinduism that was invented by outsiders but its veryidentity. They had managed to crawl out and then werethrown back into the fire. For example, in 199 , V.P. Others in the party stated that it must fulfillits commitment to the people who voted it to power, even if that means notabiding by court orders. Buddhists look on this as an attempt to assimilate Buddhism intoHinduism, both by physical means and by theory. In India's villages, on the other hand, caste-based violence went on. Their fathers weremade to watch, and one of the boys and the girl had still been alive whenthey were put in the fire. There are very poor people who are Brahmins--though the highestranking castes have nothing to do with physical labor; they pray or collectrent. In fact, the type of experiences most people would call religious--eitherroutine forms of worship or transcendent spiritual experiences--cannot befound in syndicated Hinduism. This phenomenon has occurred despite the factthat India was founded on secular principles. Although Indian democracy survived Gandhi's death and thechallenge he thought the BJP represented, the fact remains, that despiteits secular origins under Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, the risingpolitical force is a religious one--if only in name and not in practice. [12]McDonald, 29.----------------------- 1 The only problem was that the site was occupied by a 16thcentury Islamic mosque. The problem iscontrolling the VHP, which wants to raze mosques rather than win elections. Thechairmanship, and casting vote, went, unofficially, to the Gaya districtmagistrate, as long as he or she was a Hindu. Also adding more fuel to this crisis was the BJP, which statedthat Hinduism was not a religion but a culture and national identity.Therefore, converts to Buddhism, Islam, or Christianity who were onceHindus cannot be said to have left it.[12] In conclusion, it seems clear that Hinduism's ugly side threatens tooverrun the country. According to Buddhism, two and a half millennia ago, a Hindu princecalled Siddhartha abandoned his kingdom and family to search for themeaning in life--and found enlightenment at the sacred tree in BodhiGaya.[11] Until 1992, the Buddhist campaign to regain Bodhi Gaya hadproceeded without violence. One reason that a nationalistic Hinduism is overrunning thegovernment is that it is currently fashionable to state that Hinduismdoesn't exist--so people look the other way.[4] In fact, the word, andperhaps the reality too, was born in the 19th century. Secular-mindedpeople have derided the Ayodhya campaign as "brick worship," but AshokSinghal's nationalistic Hindu organization, the VHP (Vishwa Hindu Parishador Universal Hindu Council) had succeeded in making the Ayodhya a majorissue in Indian politics. In 1891, a senior monk from Sir Lankavisited Bodhi Gaya and decided to devote his life to regaining Buddhistsupervision. A compromise that was favored by many withinCongress was to build a modest temple alongside the mosque--which mightplease both Hindus and Muslims. "The New Politics of Hinduism." Wilson Quarterly 15(Summer 1991): 42-5 .Hiltebeitel, Alf. They also thought the militant Hindus had only alimited electoral appeal. Singh, then India'sprime minister, announced that he intended to do what other politicians hasonly promised to do--give the lower castes a new start in life by reservingjobs in the central government for them.[7] While this was a boon topeople of lower caste, thousands of upper-caste young men saw, what theyconsidered as their futures, suddenly disappear with this announcement. It has no archbishops, chief rabbis, or grand muftis. The BJP government decided,however, after some hesitation, to tell its officials to stop construction--although only verbally. The BJP's idea originally had been to tryto keep Hindu passions over Ayodhya dormant until 1996, when they could berevived to help the party win the next general election. [6]"Hinduism and the Fate of India," Wilson Quarterly 15 (Summer1991): 2 . If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again: Search for: or Click here to request an essay written just for you.